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accompanying scenes of titillation, and, indeed, it will be shown that the differences<br />

between the texts tend to lie in which moral(s) or aspects of a moral an author chose to<br />

emphasise as missing or perverted among the Capuans, as well as Hannibal.<br />

A famously emblematic representation of Hannibal is as an „eternal enemy‟ of Rome<br />

(Appian, Hann. 1). Both Appian and Polybius introduce Hannibal to their texts in this<br />

guise, whereas it becomes a role that Hannibal gradually grows into across two decads<br />

in Livy, or assigned to him at Zama in Silius Italicus and Cornelius Nepos. <strong>The</strong> theme of<br />

Hannibal as a sworn enemy of Rome is discussed in the final chapter of this thesis.<br />

Following Zama, Hannibal is presented in a variety of guises, including, for some, that<br />

of a saviour of Carthage. Livy‟s depiction of Hannibal as a saviour of Carthage is<br />

adapted to present his audience with another example of Punic trickery. Cornelius<br />

Nepos and Silius Italicus opt for an alternative tradition, one in which Hannibal does not<br />

accept the defeat as final but swears to continue warfare, an „eternal enemy‟ openly<br />

keeping to his oath. An eternal enemy may be considered as a representative of dark<br />

forces, for every positive there must be a negative in order to achieve balance. <strong>The</strong> glory<br />

of Rome requires a powerful dark force, and this becomes Hannibal.<br />

Over time Hannibal becomes the example by which other enemies are measured; his<br />

name is used far more frequently than Antiochus, or Pyrrhus. For Cicero and Cornelius<br />

Nepos, surrounded by the civil wars of the late republic, Hannibal represented an „ideal‟<br />

or archetypal foreign enemy that Romans of old used to fight, fear and hold in respect.<br />

Cicero has no respect for Antonius, and, as always, applies his analogies with great care<br />

to make pointed judgements about his opponent. In the Philippics he upholds Hannibal<br />

as a paradigm for a worthy enemy against whom Antonius cannot measure. 78<br />

Cicero seems to have steered clear of publicly comparing Caesar and Hannibal but in<br />

the later imperial period others were less circumspect. Liebeschuetz argued for<br />

similarities between Lucan‟s Caesar and Hannibal. 79 McGuire identifies passages in the<br />

Punica that seem to characterise Hannibal and allude to Caesar. 80 As noted above, Silius<br />

Italicus used omens to connect Cannae with the historical battle at Pharsalus, and in<br />

particular to connect the Roman army at Cannae with the Pompeians at Pharsalus. By<br />

78 Billot, 2005a: Cicero compares Antonius poorly against Hannibal on 9 occasions in Philippics I, V, VI,<br />

XIII and XIV, but he does not see Antonius as „another‟ Hannibal as in Lancel, 1998, 219.<br />

79 Liebeschuetz, 1989, 168.<br />

80 McGuire, 1997, 84, esp. n47. Cf. Von Albrecht, 1966; Vessey, 1973; Ahl, Davis, Pomeroy, 1986, 2511<br />

who note that the differences between Silius‟ Hannibal and Caesar are almost as compelling as the<br />

similarities.<br />

24

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