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The fifth chapter of this thesis covers two invasions of Campania. 75 There are
significant differences in detail between the presentations of Hannibal‟s spectacular
night-time escape past Fabius‟ sentries using cattle with flaming firebrands tied to their
horns as a diversionary tactic. Given its likely ahistorical location in Nepos‟ Hannibal
biography after the fall of Capua, it is arguably a good example of a highly dramatic
„Hannibal story‟ that became separated from its original historical context, possibly
early in its life. The episode is shown to be demonstrably adaptable for various
depictions of both Hannibal and Fabius.
Following Hannibal‟s victory at Cannae, he returned to Campania. This time he
succeeded in taking control of Capua without a fight or having to besiege the town. The
texts give very little military information about the situation at Capua but focus instead
on Capuan immorality due to their great wealth. 76 The depiction of the Capuans as
morally degraded is based on a widely held concept in the ancient world that a luxurious
and extravagant lifestyle caused moral and physical weakness in men. 77 There is an
opportunity to present Hannibal and his army succumbing to the luxurious lifestyle with
75 Polybius and Pliny describe Campania as encompassing both the ager Campanus to the south and the
ager Falernus to the north of Capua (Hist. 3.91; NH, 3.60). For a discussion of the geography and history
of the region: Frederiksen, 1984, esp. Ch.8; also Walbank, I, 1957, 424-9. In historical terms, it was
important to Hannibal to gain control of Campania: the area was not too far from Rome to establish a base
for possible attack; control of Campania would physically separate Rome from her allies further south; the
land was fertile for feeding men and animals, and there were some good harbours for receiving additional
supplies (Hist. 3.70; Pliny, NH, 17.25, 18.111, 191; Cicero, de leg. agr. 2.76; Virgil, Georg. 2.217-25).
The traditions vary over Hannibal‟s success or otherwise in establishing a supply line through the
Campanian coast. Silius Italicus depicts Hannibal meeting Carthaginian ships at Caieta (Pun. 7.410)
whereas Plutarch explicitly favours the opposite tradition claiming that the Romans, led by Fabius,
prevented Hannibal reaching the Campanian coast and making contact with the Carthaginians (Fabius
Maximus, 6). Plutarch‟s emphatic denial suggests that the alternative tradition, less favourable to Fabius,
was in circulation in ancient times, and, although no longer extant outside the Punica today, it may not be
a poetic invention. Cf. Casali, 2006, 3: „Silius makes “Ovidian moves” with scarcely known “facts” … he
invents them.‟ Also Wilson, 2004, 225-249.
76 Capuan wealth: Plutarch, Fab. Max, 17.3; Cicero, de leg. Agr. 2.86-7; Florus, 1.34; Polybius, Hist.
3.91.2; 7.1.2; Livy, 23.2.1. Lancel, 1998, 113 argues that the archaeological find of the seplasia, the
perfume market, in ancient Capua supports the literary tradition for their wealth and luxury. For another
indicator of wealth, there was a well-established mint at Capua. Crawford, 2001, 30 and Mattingly, 1960,
5 argue that the numismatic change in Capuan coinage in the form of an overstrike of an Oscan legend on
Roman coins represents their change of allegiance from Rome to Hannibal on the basis that examples
have been found in hoards that held mixes of coins from Carthage, Capua, Calatia and Atella; the Capuan
coins have been dated to the period of Hannibal‟s occupation, 216-211. Also Grueber, 1970, 117-139 for
a study of Romano-Campanian coins for the period 335-211; he dates electrum coins from the Capuan
mint to 216-211 arguing that electrum is associated with Carthage but not Roman mints. Also Lancel,
1998, 122-3 believes that changes in Roman coinage, dated 215-211, reflects the pressure on Rome
exerted by Hannibal.
77 See Cato the Elder, Sallust, Cicero (Leg. Agr. 2.95); Val. Max., 2.4.6; Strabo (5.4.3); Seneca (Ep. 51.5;
86.6); Florus (1.22.19-22). Reflected in satire: Lucian‟s Timon the Misanthrope. The association of
money and pleasure with moral ruin were not as Edwards, 1993, 176, n5 wrote: „a preoccupation
especially but not exclusively of the literature of Augustan Rome‟ but rather a matter of enduring debate
at Rome from at least the end of the Second Punic War until well into the second century AD.
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