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Livy continues the passage with a description of the city walls protecting the panicking
citizens in the face of their crisis. The terror and confusion are confined to the space
within the protective walls, intra moenia, which inspire a sense of safety among senior-
ranking citizens. This enables them to find the courage to continue the res publica and
allows the Praetors call a Senate meeting (Livy, 22.55.1-4).
Hannibal lacked the immediate resources for a siege but one of the most successful
methods of taking a well-defended, well-resourced ancient city during a siege or even
without a siege was by treachery. Livy presents certain actions at Rome that suggest this
was taken into account following Cannae; these actions are acted out as religious rituals
in response to the crisis which imparts a sense of validation. Two Vestal Virgins were
punished for breaking their vows, and a pair of Greeks and a pair of Gauls are buried
alive in the Forum Boarium (Livy, 22.57). 233 The declared intention was to appease the
gods but where the punishment of the Vestals served as a warning to the citizens who
transgress ancient custom, the other was a savage warning to any non-citizen residents
of Rome, particularly among the two groups of people most likely to consider
supporting Hannibal.
Where Polybius places Hannibal in meetings after his earlier victories, but not after
Cannae, Livy does the opposite. 234 Livy presents one of Hannibal‟s cavalry
commanders, Maharbal, 235 urging Hannibal not to waste any time but to set out for
Rome immediately following his victory. Florus, likewise, repeats Maharbal‟s criticism
of Hannibal but, as an author, cannot decide between Hannibal‟s mistaken judgement
(lack of Virtus) or the future destiny of Rome, Fortuna, as ordained the gods (Florus,
1.22.18-22). 236
Livy‟s scene is noted by Hoyos 237 for its parallels with the meeting that Polybius
presents after Trasimene (Livy, 22.51.1-4; Hist. 3.85.1-6). Hoyos argues that
Maharbal‟s urging Hannibal is more likely, especially in terms of distance, after
233 Human sacrifice was rare but not unknown. Pliny, NH, 30.1.12 notes that in 97BC a decree forbidding
human sacrifice was passed by the Senate which indicates that it happened from time to time.
234 Livy states that he used Fabius Pictor, „a contemporary witness,‟ for his account of Trasimene; Livy
does not name his sources for Cannae: „some‟ writers, 22.52. For comments on differences between
Polybius and Livy: Scott-Kilvert, 1979, 391, n1; Lancel, 1998, 131.
235 It is uncertain whether or not this figure is Hannibal‟s brother. Florus describes Maharbal at Cannae as
son of Bomilcar; Livy does not identify him beyond his name; Polybius refers to Maharbal in the
mopping-up operations after Trasimene but does not identify Maharbal as the „brother‟ in the meeting
with Hannibal.
236 For discussion on Florus‟ historiography and reinterpretation of Sallust to show Virtus and Fortuna
working to the same end, see Quinn, 1994.
237 Hoyos, 2000, 610-614.
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