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<strong>The</strong>mistocles (Thuc. 1.135-8). 422 However, the parallels between the two figures are<br />
very slight. <strong>The</strong>mistocles became politically alienated at Athens after the victory at<br />
Salamis; he left Athens and he was declared an exile with a price on his head; he<br />
escaped by ship to Asia, perhaps via Aegea where none but his host knew his identity;<br />
and, at the end of his life, he may have committed suicide by poison (Plutarch,<br />
<strong>The</strong>mistocles, 26-7, 31.5; Thucydides, 1.135-6). Briscoe‟s remark that <strong>The</strong>mistocles was<br />
greeted, not by the king but the king‟s son might be a misreading of Thucydides,<br />
1.137.3, as Artaxerxes was the new king (discussed by Plutarch, <strong>The</strong>mistocles, 27.1).<br />
On the other hand, as Briscoe points out, <strong>The</strong>mistocles‟ flight to Persia did not prove<br />
the charge of Medism made before he left. 423 For the same reason, the Roman case<br />
against Hannibal was fragile and the fact that he joined Antiochus later does not mean<br />
that Hannibal had been in negotiation with him beforehand. Briscoe‟s further<br />
observation that the parallels to <strong>The</strong>mistocles‟ story create a „difficulty‟ in Livy‟s<br />
account stemming from Polybius (no longer extant) is left unexplained but reflects the<br />
concern of much early to mid-twentieth century scholarship with identifying Livy‟s<br />
sources where none are extant (and dismissing anything considered „non-Polybian‟ as<br />
unreliable). It is, as Warrior says, an approach that distorts the interpretation of Livy, 424<br />
and furthermore, in this instance, the attempt to create similarities between these two<br />
figures later years seems to depend on an assumption that Polybius would allude to his<br />
Greek predecessor.<br />
Justinus writes that the charges against Hannibal were false but accepted by those<br />
Carthaginians who were afraid of Rome. Once Hannibal joined Antiochus, the king<br />
became a more dangerous enemy (Justinus, 31.1-2). Cornelius Nepos depicts Hannibal<br />
inspiring Antiochus for warfare against Rome (Cornelius Nepos, Hann. 2.1). <strong>The</strong><br />
Romans counter by sending envoys to Antiochus from time to time with instructions to<br />
request an audience with Hannibal in order to arouse Antiochus‟ suspicions against<br />
Hannibal (Cornelius Nepos, Hann. 2; also Frontinus, Strat. 1.8.7; Livy, 35.14).<br />
Perhaps these duplicitous embassies and courtly intrigues lie behind a remark by<br />
Diodorus that Antiochus became suspicious when Hannibal urged caution in fighting<br />
the Romans (Diodorus Siculus, 29.3). It is in reference to Antiochus‟ suspicion of<br />
Hannibal‟s motives when Livy inserts the anecdote of Hannibal‟s childhood oath into a<br />
422 Briscoe, 1973, 335.<br />
423 Briscoe, 1973, 336-7.<br />
424 Warrior, 1996, 10.<br />
199