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characteristic that Polybius notes in two literary portraits of Hannibal, albeit qualified<br />

with the remark that the accusations of greed for personal wealth largely derive from<br />

Hannibal‟s enemies (Hist. 9.22; 9.25.1-4).<br />

In Livy‟s versions of events, Capuan wealth is not an over-riding factor, nor do the<br />

Capuans invite Hannibal to their town. Livy emphatically describes the Capuans as<br />

surrendering when Mago announces to the Carthaginian senate, in direct speech, that the<br />

Capuans surrendered, se tradidisse, and Mago clearly distinguishes Capua from the<br />

communities which defect to Hannibal after Cannae:<br />

Bruttios Apulosque partem Samnitium ac Lucanorum defecisse ad<br />

Poenos. Capua quod caput Campaniae modo sed post adflictam rem<br />

Romanam Cannensi pugna Italiae sit, Hannibali se tradidisse.<br />

Livy, 23.11.10-11.<br />

That the Bruttians and Apulians and some of the Samnites and<br />

Lucanians had revolted to the Carthaginians, that Capua, which was<br />

the capital not only of Campania, but, since the Roman defeat by the<br />

battle of Cannae, of Italy also, had surrendered to Hannibal.<br />

Moore, 1951, 37.<br />

Surrender, from the Roman point of view, is considered worse than defeat. Thus Livy<br />

presents to his audience a different example to Polybius of Capuan moral degradation.<br />

On the other hand, Livy‟s use of Mago to announce the surrender in a speech to the<br />

Carthaginian senate allows his Roman audience to read the statement as a lie. Many<br />

modern scholars read se tradidisse (Livy, 23.11.11) and se traditurum (Livy, 23.1.1) as<br />

„handing over‟ or „delivering‟ rather than the possible „surrendering‟ in order to fit<br />

Livy‟s text more closely to Polybius‟ presentation and promulgate the notion that the<br />

Capuans defected. 329 Any historical circumstances of force majeure are rarely, if ever,<br />

considered.<br />

329 Rossi, 2004, 368; Heurgon, 1942, 115: „pour châtier sa défection;‟ 144; De Sanctis, iii, 2,214;<br />

Warmington, 1969, 205; Sherwin-White, 1973, 41; Salmon, 1957, 153; Mankin, 1995, 247; Crawford,<br />

2001, 1974, 30; Watson, 2003, 491. Frederiksen, 1977, 183 notes Hannibal‟s camp above Capua but<br />

Frederiksen, 1984, 227, 238, 241, consistently refers to defection, only once conceding the Capuans may<br />

have been unable to resist; von Ungern-Sternberg, 1975, argues that Capua‟s revolt was the act of a united<br />

state seeking independence. This means that the Capuans were prepared to risk the lives of all those<br />

Capuans serving in the Roman army including 300 equites based in Sicily (Livy, 23.5.1). Lancel, 1998,<br />

114 argues that these men effectively became hostages once the siege of Capua began. Yet it seems that<br />

they remained loyal to Rome after Hannibal took control of Capua. Sicily was strategically critical to<br />

prevent supplies from Carthage reaching Hannibal and not a location for soldiers of doubtful loyalty to<br />

Rome, as acknowledged when these men were later granted Roman citizenship and had their residency<br />

transferred from Capua to Cumae, backdated to the day before Capua came under Hannibal (Livy,<br />

23.31.10).<br />

138

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