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Somewhat less credible is the detail that the herald was allowed to leave before the<br />
letter, which contained nothing but insults, was opened. Naturally Eumenes did not<br />
understand the purpose of the herald‟s visit; his soldiers laugh at Hannibal‟s new<br />
weapon when earthenware pots were catapulted into their ships. <strong>The</strong>y stop laughing<br />
when the pots smashed open on the decks, releasing snakes. Eumenes managed to<br />
escape and Prusias gained a memorable, if short-lived, victory (Cornelius Nepos, Hann.<br />
10.3-11.7; cf. Justinus, 32.4; Frontinus, Strat. 4.7.11). According to Frontinus, Hannibal<br />
first devised this idea while he was with Antiochus and it follows a passage about Scipio<br />
catapulting pots of pitch and resin to set fire among the enemy ships (Frontinus, Strat.<br />
4.7.9-10).<br />
<strong>The</strong>se representations of Hannibal supporting Eastern kings depict him keeping to his<br />
oath of enmity insofar as he continues to fight on the side in opposition to Rome, and is<br />
generally presented actively fomenting war. Perhaps the most unexpected representation<br />
of Hannibal is through his reported speech to Antiochus in Livy‟s text. It is prophetic as<br />
Hannibal warns Antiochus not only to prepare for a Roman invasion of Asia but to<br />
expect defeat. Furthermore, Livy‟s paraphrase of a letter Antiochus purportedly sent to<br />
Prusias forewarning Prusias of Roman aggression is in a similar vein. <strong>The</strong> growing<br />
perception of Roman belligerence coupled with Scipio‟s demands for Hannibal to be<br />
handed over as a prisoner are points in a theme by which Livy indicates a gradual<br />
degradation in Roman morality. It reappears in the presentations of circumstances<br />
around Hannibal‟s death.<br />
Final act of independent defiance<br />
<strong>The</strong> documented events from Hannibal‟s life suggest that he lived a remarkably long<br />
time for an individual in antiquity, although the suggestion that he reached 70 years of<br />
age may be an exaggeration (Cornelius Nepos, Hann. 13.1). 430 <strong>The</strong>re are a number of<br />
extant traditions over how and when he died and the publication of his death notice is a<br />
good example for the manipulation of the traditions, in that „death notices‟ in ancient<br />
430 Rolfe, 1984, 280, n2 calculates that in 183BC Hannibal was 63 years old. Hannibal‟s long life shows<br />
that it is not length of life that gains a person mythic status but his achievements within that life. Thus<br />
Alexander‟s short life was not the reason for his immortality. Cf. Spencer, 2002, 162: „Alexander died<br />
young, sealing his mythic status... guaranteeing his immortality.‟<br />
204