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SLC Thesis Template - ResearchSpace@Auckland - The University ...

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political message. This message may distort the presentation of an event or underlying<br />

structure of a text irrespective of genre. <strong>The</strong> approach to the comparisons of structural<br />

features in this thesis is informed by Burck‟s studies on Livy and Silius Italicus, Luce on<br />

the structure of Livy‟s text, 8 as well as Ahl, Davis and Pomeroy on the structure of the<br />

Punica. 9<br />

Although Polybius‟ Histories are generally utilised by scholars as a historical source,<br />

more recently some have argued for greater recognition of literary structure in the text,<br />

an area not much discussed by the pre-eminent historian on the Histories, Walbank. 10<br />

Champion, for example, argued that Polybius‟ representations of Romans are<br />

ingeniously manipulated by his politico-cultural language of Hellenism. 11 It is arguable<br />

that Polybius‟ Hannibal is cleverly glorified because it directly impacts on the<br />

presentation of Scipio Africanus, for example, the implicit comparison of Hannibal to<br />

Agamemnon in the battle at Zama raises both generals to the mythical realm (Hist.<br />

15.16.3). Although the greater glorification of Scipio is the obvious level of reading the<br />

passage, on another level it must be remembered that Polybius was a political hostage at<br />

Rome, and, no matter how friendly he became with Scipio Aemilianus, this<br />

circumstance allows for a certain ambiguity in reading the representation of Hannibal.<br />

Furthermore, Polybius‟ implicit comparison of Hannibal to a mythical figure supports<br />

Wiseman‟s view that the interconnection of myth and history is especially relevant for<br />

this period of Roman history. Wiseman believes that it was during the period in which<br />

Ennius and Polybius were writing that the first historical Romans became mythic figures<br />

in their own right, „some even descended from gods.‟ 12<br />

This thesis aims to show that the combined literary/historical approach to texts in the<br />

historiographical tradition may also be applied to poetry based on history, in that the<br />

Flavian poet, Silius Italicus, inherits both historiographical and poetic sources. He is, as<br />

noted by Augoustakis, located at the crossroads of these two inter-related traditions. 13 It<br />

will be argued that Silius Italicus creatively combines a number of apparently divergent<br />

traditions found in the historiographical texts and a variety of other allusions to present<br />

his uniquely Flavian version of events. Furthermore, and with a surprising frequency, he<br />

8<br />

Luce, 1977, 31; Burck, 1971 (on Livy); 1984 (on the Punica).<br />

9<br />

Ahl, Davis and Pomeroy, 1986.<br />

10<br />

Marincola, 2001, esp 113-149; Eckstein, 1995; Champion, 2001; 2004. Cf. Walbank, 1957-79, 1972,<br />

2002.<br />

11<br />

Champion, 2004, 235, with review by Cazemier, 2006, 14.<br />

12<br />

Scipio Africanus and Fabius Maximus are two examples. Wiseman 2004, 193. Also Griffith, 2006, 7.<br />

9

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