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David K.H. Begg, Gianluigi Vernasca-Economics-McGraw Hill Higher Education (2011)

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10.4 The supply of labour<br />

Table 10.3<br />

Participation rates (0/o)<br />

1994 2008<br />

Men Wo men Men Women<br />

UK 85.1 67. 1 83.4 70.2<br />

-<br />

France 74. l 59.3<br />

65.2<br />

Germany 79.8 60.9 82.1 69.7<br />

-<br />

--<br />

us 84.3 69.4 81.4 69.3<br />

74.3<br />

EU15 78.4 56.5 79.7 65.3<br />

Note: EU 15 refers to the average for the 15 countries that were in the European Union on 1 January 1995.<br />

Source: OECD, Employment Outlook, 2009.<br />

do. Economists have tried three techniques in an attempt to discover how people actually behave. Interview<br />

studies ask people how they behave. Econometric studies, of the kind discussed in Chapter 2, try to<br />

disentangle the separate effects from data on actual behaviour. And experiments have been conducted by<br />

giving different people different amounts of take-home pay and recording their behaviour.<br />

The empirical evidence for the UK, the US and most other Western economies is as follows. For adult men,<br />

the substitution effect and the income effect almost exactly cancel out. A change in the real wage has<br />

almost no effect on the quantity of hours supplied. The supply curve of hours worked is almost vertical. 1<br />

For women, the substitution effect just about dominates the income effect. The supply curve for hours<br />

slopes upward. <strong>Higher</strong> real wages make women work longer hours.<br />

Workers care about take-home pay after deductions of income tax. Lower income tax rates raise after-tax<br />

real wages. The empirical evidence on labour supply implies that lower income tax rates should not be<br />

expected to lead to a dramatic increase in the supply of hours worked.<br />

Individual labour supply: participation rates<br />

The effect of real wages on the supply of hours is smaller than often supposed. The more important effect<br />

of real wages on labour supply is on the incentive to join the labour force.<br />

Table 10.3 gives data on participation rates for different countries in 1994 and in 2008.<br />

Most men of working age are in jobs or are seeking employment, but this percentage<br />

is gradually falling in some countries like the UK and the US, while in others it is<br />

quite stable. On the other hand, there has been a rise in labour force participation<br />

by women in the last 15 years. Can our model of choice explain these trends?<br />

The participation rate is<br />

the fraction of the population<br />

of working age who join the<br />

labour force.<br />

We now develop a model in which labour force participation is higher (a) the more their tastes favour the<br />

benefits of working (goods or job status) relative to the benefits ofleisure, (b) the lower their income from<br />

non-work sources, (c) the lower the fixed costs of working, and (d) the higher the real wage rate.<br />

Figure 10.5 plots leisure on the horizontal axis. The maximum leisure a day is 24 hours. The vertical axis<br />

plots total real income from work and other sources. This shows the ability to buy consumer goods and<br />

1 This conclusion applies to small changes in real wage rates. In most Western countries, the large rise in real wages over the<br />

past 100 years has been matched by reductions of ten hours or more in the working week.<br />

231

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