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David K.H. Begg, Gianluigi Vernasca-Economics-McGraw Hill Higher Education (2011)

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Learning Outcomes<br />

By the end of this chapter, you should understand:<br />

0 growth in potential output<br />

f) Malthus' forecast of eventual starvation<br />

0 how technical progress and capital accumulation made the forecast wrong<br />

0 the neoclassical model of economic growth<br />

0 the convergence hypothesis<br />

0 the growth performance of rich and poor countries<br />

0 whether policy can affect growth<br />

0 whether growth must stop to save the environment<br />

During 1870-2009 real GDP grew 11-fold and real income per person more than 5-fold. On average, we<br />

are richer than our grandparents, but less rich than our grandchildren will be. Table 26. l shows that these<br />

long-term trends were even more dramatic elsewhere. During 1870-2009 real GDP in Japan rose 100-fold<br />

and real income per person 27-fold.<br />

Table 26.l prompts three questions. What is long-run economic growth? What causes it? And can economic<br />

policies affect it? We mainly focus on industrial countries that have grown a lot already.<br />

Economists were always fascinated by the theory of economic growth. In 1798 Thomas Malthus' First<br />

Essay on Population predicted that output growth would be far outstripped by population growth, causing<br />

starvation and an end to population growth - the origin of the notion of economics as the 'dismal science:<br />

Some countries are still stuck in a Malthusian trap; others broke through to sustained growth and prosperity.<br />

We examine how they did it.<br />

As Table 26. l shows, an extra 0.5 per cent on the annual growth rate makes a vast difference to potential<br />

output after a few decades. By the end of the 1960s, economists had worked out a theory of economic<br />

growth. It yielded many insights but had one central failing. It predicted that government policy made no<br />

difference to the long-run growth rate.<br />

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