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David K.H. Begg, Gianluigi Vernasca-Economics-McGraw Hill Higher Education (2011)

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CHAPTER 26 Economic growth<br />

The zero-growth proposal<br />

argues that, because higher<br />

measured GNP imposes<br />

environmental costs, it is best<br />

to a im for zero growth of<br />

measured GNP.<br />

The full implementation of such a policy would (optimally) reduce the growth of<br />

measured GNP below the rate where there is no restriction on activities such as<br />

pollution and congestion. And this is the most sensible way in which to approach<br />

the problem. It tackles the issue directly. In contrast, the zero-growth solution is<br />

a blunt instrument.<br />

The zero-growth approach fails to distinguish between measured outputs accompanied<br />

by social costs and measured outputs without additional social costs. It does not<br />

provide the correct incentives. The principle of targeting, a key insight of the welfare economics discussed<br />

in Part Three, suggests that it is more efficient to tackle a problem directly than to adopt an indirect<br />

approach that distorts other aspects of production or consumption. Thus, when there is too much pollution,<br />

congestion, environmental damage or stress, the best solution is to provide incentives that directly reduce<br />

these phenomena. Restricting growth in measured output is a crude alternative, distinctly second best.<br />

Some problems might evaporate if economists and statisticians could measure true GNP more accurately,<br />

including the 'quality of life' activities (clean air, environmental beauty, sustainable climate and so on) that<br />

yield consumption benefits but at present are omitted from measured GNP. Voters and commentators<br />

assess government performance against measurable statistics. A better measure of GNP might remove<br />

perceived conflicts between measured output and the quality of life.<br />

This is also a good way to address 'sustainable growth: At present, Mediterranean beauty spots become<br />

concrete jungles of hotels and bars; once the environment is spoiled, upmarket tourists move on to<br />

somewhere else. An economist's advice, however, is not to abandon being a tourist destination, but to keep<br />

track of environmental depreciation and only engage in activities that show a clear return after proper<br />

costing of environmental and other damage. Embodying these costings in actual charges also provides the<br />

market incentive to look after the environment.<br />

This also provides the answer to those who argue that tackling climate change will hamper economic<br />

growth. Growth of what? The subset of outputs that are traded anyway, and hence easily measured? Just as<br />

we want congestion charging to reduce some outputs (rush-hour traffic), we want environmental pricing<br />

to reduce some activities (greenhouse gas emissions, lax building insulation). In both cases, the objective<br />

is to get aggregate output, properly measured, to increase!<br />

No matter how complete the framework, the assessment of the desirable growth rate will always be a<br />

normative question hinging on the value judgements of the assessor. Switching resources from consumption,<br />

however defined, to investment will nearly always reduce the welfare of people today but allow greater<br />

welfare for people tomorrow. Nowhere is this clearer than in the speed with which we try to deal with<br />

climate change. More sacrifice today will make life easier tomorrow; less sacrifice today will compound the<br />

problems for our children's children. The priority attached to satisfying wants of people at different points<br />

in time is always a value judgement.<br />

Summary<br />

• Economic growth is the percentage annual increase in real GNP or per capita real GNP in the long run.<br />

It is an imperfect measure of the rate of increase of economic well-being.<br />

• Measured GNP omits the value of leisure and of untraded goods and bads that have an impact on the<br />

quality oflife. Differences in income distribution make per capita real GNP a shaky basis for comparisons<br />

of the welfare of the typical individual in different countries.<br />

• Significant rates of growth of per capita GNP occurred only in the last two centuries in the advanced<br />

economies. In other countries persistent growth is even more recent.<br />

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