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David K.H. Begg, Gianluigi Vernasca-Economics-McGraw Hill Higher Education (2011)

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25.3 Devaluation<br />

Table 25.1<br />

The 1967 sterling devaluation<br />

1967<br />

Current account (£bn) -0.3<br />

-<br />

Public sector deficit (% of GDP) 5.3<br />

Nominal exchange rate: $/£ 2.8<br />

Real exchange rate (1 975 = l 00) 109<br />

Source: ONS, Economic Trends.<br />

1968 1969 1970<br />

-0.2 0.5 0.8<br />

3.4 -1 .2 0<br />

2.4 2.4 2.4<br />

l 02 102 103<br />

--<br />

The public sector deficit as a percentage of GDP shows fiscal policy. In 1967 UK unemployment was low.<br />

The economy had few spare resources with which to produce extra goods for export or for import<br />

substitution. In 1969 fiscal policy was tightened substantially, reducing domestic absorption and allowing<br />

an improvement in net exports. The government (including the nationalized industries) actually ran a<br />

budget surplus in 1969.<br />

The final row of Table 25. l shows the real exchange rate, the relative price of UK goods to foreign goods<br />

when measured in a common currency. Note two things. First, instead of using the 15 per cent devaluation<br />

to cut export prices in foreign markets, UK exporters responded in part by raising prices and profit margins.<br />

Only half the competitive advantage was passed on to foreign purchasers as lower foreign prices for UK<br />

goods. Second, even by 1970, competitiveness was falling again. Domestic wages rose as workers asked for<br />

wage increases to meet higher import prices. By 1970, the real exchange rate had begun to rise.<br />

Devaluation and adjustment<br />

To sum up, once quantities begin adjusting, devaluation leads to a temporary but not a permanent rise in<br />

competitiveness relative to the path that would have occurred without the devaluation. In the long run,<br />

real variables are determined by real forces. Changes in one nominal variable eventually induce offsetting<br />

changes in other nominal variables to restore real variables to their equilibrium values.<br />

But devaluation may be the simplest way to change competitiveness quickly. It is a useful policy when the<br />

alternative adjustment mechanism is a domestic slump and a protracted period of lower inflation until<br />

competitiveness is increased.<br />

Suppose there is a permanent fall in export demand. At the original exchange rate, this generates a slump<br />

that induces a period of lower inflation, which reduces wages and prices enough to boost competitiveness<br />

and restore current account balance. But this takes several years. Devaluation accomplishes an overnight<br />

improvement in competitiveness. It speeds up adjustment.<br />

Devaluation may therefore be an appropriate response to a real shock that requires a change in the<br />

equilibrium real exchange rate. Conversely, where no real change is required, devaluation eventually<br />

generates rises in prices and nominal wages. Chapter 22 discussed inflation expectations and credibility.<br />

Economies can get locked into self-fulfilling prophecies of high inflation. In such circumstances,<br />

maintaining a constant real exchange rate requires a steady reduction in the nominal exchange rate. One<br />

way to accomplish this is by regular devaluations.<br />

Devaluation has a bad name because it is often associated with periods of high inflation and weak<br />

government. This is correct. However, even well-designed macroeconomic policy might choose occasionally<br />

to realign the nominal exchange rate. The appropriate circumstance would be a large and sustained shock<br />

to the trade balance.<br />

581

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