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David K.H. Begg, Gianluigi Vernasca-Economics-McGraw Hill Higher Education (2011)

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CHAPTER 20 Monetary and fiscal policy<br />

Ricardian equivalence<br />

says that it does not matter<br />

when a government finances<br />

a given spending programme.<br />

Tax cuts today do not affect<br />

private spending if, in present<br />

value terms, future taxes rise<br />

to match.<br />

in the real world. Economists are still arguing about the extent to which Ricardian<br />

equivalence should hold.<br />

Why Ricardian equivalence is too strong<br />

There are three reasons why the tax cuts today do stimulate demand a bit even if<br />

future taxes are correspondingly higher. First, people without children get the<br />

benefit of tax cuts without paying the full burden of higher future taxes in the<br />

distant future. They spend more at once.<br />

Second, by reducing marginal tax rates and distortions, tax cuts may increase potential output and raise<br />

income. Expecting higher incomes, people spend more immediately.<br />

Third, solvent governments can borrow at a low interest rate. Ricardian equivalence holds only if we can<br />

borrow as easily as the government. If only! Households and firms are riskier than governments. Private<br />

people have no residual power to tax or print money when things go wrong. Hence, lenders charge private<br />

borrowers a higher rate of interest, and may refuse to lend at all.<br />

Now do the sums again. £1 billion is the value of the tax cut, the extra government bonds and the present<br />

value of extra tax payments discounted at the interest rate faced by the government. We face a higher interest<br />

rate when we try to borrow. As viewed by us, the present value of our extra future taxes is less than £1 billion<br />

because we discount at a higher interest rate.<br />

The tax cut is a fiscal expansion because in effect the government borrows on the good terms it enjoys, then<br />

lends to us at better terms than the capital market. It gives us a loan, tax cuts today, which we repay later in<br />

higher taxes. But we are charged the government's low interest rate for our loan. We are better off and<br />

spend more. Aggregate demand increases.<br />

Theory and evidence suggest that complete Ricardian equivalence is too extreme to fit the real world. Tax<br />

cuts do boost aggregate demand today (though higher future taxes will reduce demand at some future<br />

date). Ricardian equivalence is not completely right, but not completely wrong. Expectations of future<br />

conditions affect current behaviour. Private saving rises a bit when public saving falls. The private sector<br />

does substitute between present and future, despite obstacles to doing this easily. These obstacles make<br />

consumption demand more sensitive to current disposable income than it would be if borrowing were<br />

easy and only permanent income mattered.<br />

Current demand by firms and households depends both on current fiscal policy and expected future fiscal<br />

policy. Since one does not fully offset the other, for simplicity we can look at current fiscal policy in<br />

isolation. We need to remember only that some of its quantitative effects will be smaller if people expect<br />

fiscal policy to have to be reversed at some future date.<br />

If Ricardian equivalence held exactly, government efforts to prop up aggregate demand during 2009 by<br />

running budget deficits would have been largely a waste of time. But understanding the trade-off between<br />

the present and the future allows three insights into the events of 2009 /10:<br />

1 It was precisely in 2009 that banks were most scared to lend and the private sector had so much<br />

difficulty borrowing. These are the circumstances in which bond-financed tax cuts are most powerful.<br />

They increase private sector liquidity at the critical time.<br />

2 Conversely, as governments get closer to the limits of what they can easily borrow and guarantee to<br />

repay, the differential between private sector and government creditworthiness narrows. At some future<br />

point, deficit-financed tax cuts (or other subsidies to the private sector) may lose most of their power.<br />

3 Two specific measures - the temporary VAT cut and the temporary subsidy to scrappage of old cars -<br />

work not by increasing the permanent income of households but by persuading them to bring forward<br />

spending from the future to the present. This is great when the measures are first introduced (and<br />

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