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8 Locavesting<br />

insurance giant AIG. All told, with federal lending programs, debt<br />

purchases, and guarantees factored in, the total assistance reached<br />

$3 trillion by July 2009, according to Neil Bar<strong>of</strong>sky, inspector general<br />

for the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP). 11<br />

That bailout likely averted disaster. But rather than stimulate<br />

lending and economic activity, as hoped, it seems to have served<br />

mainly to fuel the record trading pr<strong>of</strong>i ts <strong>of</strong> its recipients and leave<br />

them larger and more systemically important than ever. Prominent<br />

critics, such as Nobel Prize–winning economist Joseph Stiglitz, have<br />

argued that TARP money would have been better spent supporting<br />

smaller fi nancial institutions that did not engage in the reckless<br />

behavior that precipitated the crisis and might have actually used<br />

the money to make loans. It wasn’t until September 2010—after<br />

a protracted battle with some <strong>of</strong> Congress’ self- pr<strong>of</strong>essed champions<br />

<strong>of</strong> small business—that President Obama signed the Small<br />

Business Jobs Act, establishing a $30 billion fund to spur local bank<br />

lending to small business as well as a smattering <strong>of</strong> tax breaks to aid<br />

struggling entrepreneurs. It was a welcome boost. But that’s tens <strong>of</strong><br />

billions for small business, trillions for Too Big to Fail business.<br />

As outrageous as the bailout was for many Americans, it’s just<br />

the tip <strong>of</strong> the iceberg. Each year, a staggering amount <strong>of</strong> subsidies,<br />

grants, and tax breaks go to our most pr<strong>of</strong>i table and politically<br />

connected corporations—an estimated $125 billion—with<br />

little economic or social pay<strong>of</strong>f. There are farm subsidies to Big<br />

Agriculture ($10 billion to $30 billion a year, paid mostly to industrial-<br />

scale and absentee farmers); tax breaks for oil and gas companies<br />

(more than $17 billion a year); and tens <strong>of</strong> billions more<br />

pr<strong>of</strong>fered by state and local <strong>of</strong>fi cials to woo large corporations to<br />

set up plants, <strong>of</strong>fi ces, and stores within their borders.<br />

Policy debates (or what passes for them these days) concerning<br />

everything from health care to fi nancial reform to tax cuts,<br />

have been framed in terms <strong>of</strong> what is good or bad for small business<br />

owners. All too <strong>of</strong>ten, though, Joe the Small Business Owner<br />

is simply a prop, providing cover for an entirely different agenda<br />

driven by big business interests. The Chamber <strong>of</strong> Commerce, for<br />

example, actually claimed in a $2 million ad campaign that the<br />

creation <strong>of</strong> a Consumer Financial Protection Bureau intended

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