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146 LITERATÛRZINÂTNE, FOLKLORISTIKA, MÂKSLA Process of external colonization is a process of involution of the ready–made people that are coming to build the states. Territories, geography, countries, borders, for the new universal masters, were created ex nihilo. In North and Latin America where nations are created with out the local population or in disregard of it, imported population from Europe or a ready–made people appeared as a political subjects, or citizens and they started with using the instruments that helped them to create the European model of a national state, or rather the state of equal people, what means that everybody has to accept the same language, behaviour, habits or religion by which he/she will be included in the same type of community, in the national state different from the others states. To be alive meant to accept all this norms of behaviour; on the contrary you were the enemy of the state. Parallel of that external geographical colonization, and the constitution of a national state, is the process of internal colonization, which is among other things inscribed on the body of the women as well as on the body of a collective imaginary “womanhood”. In the latter, female autonomy, the citizen ship of women and their human rights are made subordinate to the interests of the community (religious or national) and of the state. We point out to this very clear explanation of prof. Rada Ivekovic who says: “Women are made to incarnate the nation and national (male) order. The process of nation building or a process of partition is not intended to allow women to be subjects or agents of change. The women are put in a position of instruments for the transmission the messages. The women don’t belong to the nation or the race in the same way the man do, because they are not entitled bearers or representatives, except in some chosen figures.” The women get their position of a citizenship two hundred years after man do. But the identity principal basic on the national identity through which the culture is treated as a representative form so clear defined through the state and nation is a problem that shows the difficulties of women as the representatives of hegemonies. Interesting example of differences and the efforts to make the bridge is Balkan itself. The Balkans is treated as a strong people and heroes only in a mythological story of Europe who was kidnapped, and than backed to the island. The Balkans are different in this rendering situation of differing the centre from the margins, in that situation we made our choice long time ago, we decide to be “the other” as a woman or woman from the Balkan, we have our position on the margin rather than the people the first world. We continue to live on the place that is usually symbolized as a bridge, or windy place of dangerous leaving. How long can we stand here and live in those difficult conditions of life? Is it possible to stand on the bridge through the years that come forward in the next century? If the Balkans is so vulgar and violent people prepared to contract their border and will to grasp the women, how can be integrated them in the civilized Europe? Balkan is also a part of Europe? Nizche said that the man is a bridge, not the aim, but Marija Todorova asks how long can we stand there, on that bridge as a windy place without any dialogue or understanding from the people that
Slavica Srbinovska. Atðíirîbu telpa: tçlu radîðana multikultûru dialogâ are close to us, as a human beings but so far as an Europeans?! Gloria Azaldua said: “In the country of the border you are on the field of war, where the enemies are relatives between them, At home you are the stranger, To survive in the country on the border you have to live the blue ‘fronteras’, You have to be a crossroad…” REFERENCES 147 1 Roland Bathes. Le Chambre claire. – Paris, Editions du Seul, 1981. P. 33. 2 James Donald. How English is it? Popular literature and national culture //Erica Carter, Donald James and Judith Squires (eds.), Space and Place Theories, Identity and Location. – London: Lawrence and Wishard in association with New Formations, 1993. P. 167. 3 Jacques Derrida. Difference // The Phenomenology Reader, ed. by Dermont Moran and Timothy Mooney, Routledge. – London/New York, 2002. P. 555. 4 Ibid, 557. 5 Ibid. 559. 6 Immanuel Wallerstein–Balibar. Nation, Race, Class. Les identities ambigues, La decouverte. – Paris, 1990, 28. 7 Rada Ivekovic. Gender and national border and boundaries. European integration and the ethnicisation of the Balkans //Summer School, Florence, 17–22 June 2001. 8 Ibid. 9 Marija Todorova. Imaginarni Balkan. – Beograd: Nolit, 1999, P. 66–73. 10 Ibid, 66–73. 11 Rada Ivekovic. Gender and national border and boundaries. European integration and the ethnicisation of the Balkans //Summer School, Florence, 17–22 June 2001. 12 Zoran Konstantinovic. Filozofija palanke. – Beograd: Nolit, 1981. 13 Nira Yuval Davis. Gender and Nation, SAGE Publications. – London: Thousand Oaks. New Delhi, 1997. P. 123. Kopsavilkums Galvenais analîzes mçríis ir parâdît Balkânu identitâtes veidoðanos sabiedrîbâ un it îpaði “kultûras telpâ”, kâ arî tos apstâkïus, kâdi nepiecieðami noteiktas identifikâcijas koncepcijas pârtapðanai realitâtç. Pârejas periodos postkomunistiskajâs valstîs dzimuma, ðíiru un rasu atðíirîbu problçmas ir kïuvuðas par svarîgu dzîves sastâvdaïu, – tâ jâanalizç kâ globâla kultûras problçma ar daudzâm pârnacionâlâm un intertekstuâlâm konotâcijâm. Runa ir par dziïu domstarpîbu izraisoðiem dialogiem
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