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The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

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Republicans. In the refugee camps in Southern France, where Spanish Republicans<br />

and German Interbrigadistas were placed in the spring of 1939, attempts to reunite<br />

the leftist forces against fascism failed because socialists, as well as ultra-leftist and<br />

liberals blamed the communists at least partially for the defeat of the Spanish<br />

Republic. 34 <strong>The</strong>refore, the communists were isolated in the leftist sphere of politics.<br />

This isolation reflected the isolation that Stalin found himself in after the<br />

Munich Agreement and the end of the Spanish Civil War. Because of this isolation,<br />

it is generally agreed, that the experience of the Non-Intervention farce in Spain<br />

and the Munich Agreement made Stalin conclude that the Soviet Union would not<br />

receive support by the Western Democracies in case of a German attack. 35 So, he<br />

tried to break the Soviet isolation by seeking a pact with Germany. This was the<br />

origin of the <strong>Molotov</strong>-Rippentrop pact concluded on August 24, 1939. 36<br />

<strong>The</strong>refore, it can be concluded that the Spanish Civil War was in fact a<br />

prelude to the <strong>Molotov</strong>-Rippentrop pact and World War Two: already the<br />

international reaction to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War showed that the<br />

British government was more concerned about the spread of communism than<br />

about the expansion of fascism and the French were not able to help the Spanish<br />

due to internal pressures directed against communism. <strong>The</strong> formation of the<br />

International Brigades can be seen as an attempt of the Soviet Union to reduce<br />

international fears of communism by making them an explicitly non-ideological<br />

troop and by protecting private property in the republican zone. <strong>The</strong> bombing of<br />

Guernica raised fears against fascism in the public opinion of the Western<br />

countries. But the public was not able to shift their governments' policies because<br />

soon after the bombing the reaction of the Spanish communists to the Barcelona<br />

May Events and the connection drawn between the persecution of the POUM<br />

and the Moscow trials again discredited communism in the liberal countries. <strong>The</strong><br />

Munich Agreement and the NIC made it obvious that the liberal countries France<br />

and Great Britain were not interested in curbing the expansion of fascism or<br />

waging a war over the ČSR or Spain, and therefore would also not enter a war to<br />

defend the communist Soviet Union. This and the general blame on communists<br />

for the Spanish Civil War displayed the international isolation that the Soviet<br />

Union was trapped in the beginning of 1939. <strong>The</strong>refore, Stalin made the attempt<br />

to break this isolation by forming a non-aggression pact with the rival, who he<br />

feared the most: Nazi Germany. This makes the Spanish Civil War a prelude to<br />

the <strong>Molotov</strong>-Rippentrop pact. Of course, it can be argued, as Eric Hobsbawm<br />

34 MALLMANN, Klaus-Michael: „Kreuzritter des antifaschistischen Mysteriums”. Zur<br />

Erfahrungsperspektive des Spanischen Bürgerkrieges. In: GREBING, Helga, CHRISTL, Wickert<br />

(Hg.). Das „andere Deutschland” im Widerstand gegen den Nationalsozialismus. Beiträge zur<br />

politischen Überwindung der nationalsozialistischen Diktatur im Exil und im Dritten Reich.<br />

Klartext, Essen, 1994. 47.<br />

35 SCHAUFF, Frank: Der verspielte Sieg. Sowjetunion, Kommunistische Internationale und<br />

Spanischer Bürgerkrieg 1936-1939. Campus, Frankfurt am Main, 2004. 315.<br />

36 MORADIELLOS, Enrique: El reñidero de Europa. Las dimensiones internacionales de la<br />

guerra civil española. Península, Barcelona, 2001. 258.<br />

100

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