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The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

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According to his diaries, the main reason of <strong>Ribbentrop</strong>’s attitude was anger<br />

with Hungarian attempts of imperial policy 13 . In January 1939 at the closed<br />

meeting with German generals he presented his vision of the future fate of<br />

Ukraine. He said: „<strong>The</strong> Ukrainian question allows us coup de grace of Poland as<br />

well as the USSR to be inflicted. Taking everything into consideration, we can<br />

carry on implementing the ideological purpose of our eastern policy, which is to<br />

create „Great Ukraine” consisting of all ethnographic Ukrainian territories in<br />

the USSR, Poland and Transcarpathia. (…) Obviously, this country will survive<br />

only thanks to unconditional devotion to Germany. <strong>The</strong> division of Poland and<br />

the USSR will result in the augmentation of our activity in the east and finally<br />

make us to rule according to the maxim „divide et impera”. We are aware that<br />

the first step to bring it off is „Carpatho-Ukraine” 14 .<br />

It’s worth mentioning that <strong>Ribbentrop</strong>’s conception was characterized by<br />

variation of the famous Alfred Rosenberg’s idea. Rosenberg, in the 1940s head<br />

of the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories, observed that the<br />

Soviet Union was not a monolithic state, but rather a conglomerate of many<br />

small nations. He suggested that Germany should appeal to the non-Russian<br />

nationalities’ quest for freedom, arguing that such an appeal would reduce the<br />

force of Soviet resistance. <strong>The</strong>re is the mistaken impression that Rosenberg as<br />

well as <strong>Ribbentrop</strong> acted in opposition to Hitler. Ihor Kamenetsky rightly<br />

mentioned, that „in reality, there is not a substantial difference in their attitudes<br />

and actions regarding German Lebensraum” 15 . <strong>The</strong> ultimate goal of all of them<br />

was to make Ukraine to be subordinated to Germany on the one hand and to<br />

adapt eastern territories to the needs of German colonists on the other.<br />

<strong>The</strong> Carpatho-Ukrainian experiment lasted only five months and even<br />

proclamation of independence in a symbolic gesture of Voloshyn did not stop<br />

Hungarian annexation of that territory in March 1939. <strong>The</strong>re are at least three<br />

reasons of its failure:<br />

1. Firstly, there was absolutely no support from Western powers. France<br />

and England as well as the Soviet Union declared desinteressment.<br />

Furthermore, it was not just Hungary who has ordered territorial changes.<br />

Carpatho-Ukraine had to struggle with Polish objections, too. Both Poland and<br />

13<br />

On 28th October, 1938 Ciano noted in his diary: „<strong>Ribbentrop</strong>’s attitude is hostile towards<br />

Hungary, whereas Czechs are unashamedly supported by him”, and Italian minister has in mind<br />

the Carpathian issue itself. In November Ciano described negotiations between Italy and<br />

Germany, which eventually resulted in First Vienna Award. <strong>The</strong> Italians advocated Hungary<br />

which strongly requested a recapture of Carpathian Ruthenia, whereas the Germans, represented<br />

by <strong>Ribbentrop</strong>, sought to tone down Hungarians’ pretensions. CIANO, Galeazzo: Dziennik 1937-<br />

1943. Edited by T. WITUCH. Pułtusk, 2006. 258.<br />

14<br />

TORECZKI, Roman: Kwestia ukraińska w polityce III Rzeszy (1933-1945). Warszawa,<br />

1972. 161-162.<br />

15<br />

KAMENETSKY, I.: German Colonization Plans In Ukraine during World War I and II.<br />

In: TORKE, Hans-Joachim, HIMKA, John-Paul (ed.): German-Ukrainian Relations in Historical<br />

Perspective. Toronto, 1994. 101.<br />

106

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