The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
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<strong>Molotov</strong>’s speech on August 31,1939 in which the minister explains the pact<br />
by Moscow’s apprehensions concerning the real motives of France and of<br />
Great Britain, Maurice Baumont wrote: „It is certain that the Western powers<br />
had conducted their negotiatons with Moscow with an inexcusable weakness.”,<br />
while adding: „it is no less certain that they could not offer the Soviets, as did<br />
Germany, the occupation of the Baltic states, of Bessaraba and of half of<br />
Poland.” 23 Other historians underline another aspect of the responsibility of<br />
France and of Great Britain: „the main mistake the Western allies made was to<br />
have believed that the Geman-Soviet ideological antagonism would always<br />
preclude the two dictatorships from getting along, and that, for this reason,<br />
they could take Stalin for a ride, a Stalin who was constantly depicted by Hitler<br />
as the embodiement of absolute perversion.” 24<br />
From the 1990s on, after the collapse of Communism, the responsibility of<br />
Westerners was minimized in favour of an almost exclusively ideological<br />
intepretation in which Stalin and the USSR are to blame. Thus François Furet<br />
writes: „although it is obvious that the appeasement policy towards Hitler<br />
which was conducted by the British Conservatives and the French leaders<br />
following in their steps, did play a role in the diplomatic reversal of the USSR<br />
towards Hitler in 1939, it is not quite right to make this the sole explanation of<br />
this reversal” 25 . Thus, S. Courtois mainly relies on the Dimitrov papers and<br />
notably on the report of his meeting with Stalin on September 7, 1939 to<br />
establish „Stalin’s true intentions”. He concludes with the „absolute cynicsim”<br />
of Stalin who „with the pact freed Hitler from any fear of a second front to the<br />
East and made him decide to attack Poland.” In the text of the treaty of<br />
September 28, 1939, he sees „the extreme cyncism of two totalitarian powers<br />
which did not respect any international rules.” Referring to the achievement by<br />
the USSR of the policy inscribed in the pacts of August 23 and September 28,<br />
S. Courtois insists on „the enormous traumas which shook the nations which<br />
were victims of the complicity of these two totalitarian states”. And he<br />
concluded that „as long as the criminal dimension of the alliance with Hitler is<br />
not clearly recognized - in particular by Russia -, the scars that it left on the<br />
body of Europe will not heal (…).” 26 Behind the diverging opinions on the<br />
reasons which may explain the signature of the <strong>Ribbentrop</strong>-<strong>Molotov</strong> pact, there<br />
clearly appear various interpretations of the effects of this pact.<br />
<strong>The</strong> effects of the „German-Soviet pact” or „the scars on the body of Europe”<br />
What were, according to French historiography, the consequences of the<br />
German-Soviet pact on the beginning of the war, on the future of Central<br />
23 BAUMONT, Maurice: op.cit., 872.<br />
24 GIRAULT, René, FRANK, Robert, op.cit., 237.<br />
25 FURET, François: op.cit., 368.<br />
26 COURTOIS, Stéphane: art.cité, 7. et 8. et 14.<br />
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