The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
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Relations) are the focus of special attention in which each modification/change<br />
to the text (addition or editing) has to be closely examined.<br />
Our approach will consist first in investigating the analysis of the contents<br />
of the agreement between <strong>Ribbentrop</strong> and <strong>Molotov</strong>, then that of the origins of<br />
the pact, and finally, that of the significance of the event.<br />
<strong>The</strong> content of the „German-Soviet <strong>Pact</strong>”: from „agreement” to<br />
„alliance”, from „non-aggression” to „crime against peace”.<br />
<strong>The</strong> evolution of the designation of the the German-Soviet agreement is<br />
significant of the analysis historians have made of its content.<br />
During the fifties, quite neutral terms were used to designate the text signed<br />
on August 23, 1939 in Moscow by <strong>Ribbentrop</strong> and <strong>Molotov</strong> („treaty”,<br />
„agreement”, „pact”). <strong>The</strong> focus was on the content of the public document<br />
(„non agression”) but the secret protocol (revealed in 1946 but only published<br />
by Russia in 1992) was already presented as a „much more important text”<br />
whose „existence was absoluteley indisputable” 7 . <strong>The</strong> second treaty signed<br />
September 28th, 1939 was presented more briefly and always separately.<br />
From the seventies on, both texts were thus linked and from then on,<br />
historians explain that „there was not simply one German-Soviet pact on<br />
August 23, 1939 but German-Soviet pacts, on August 23 and September 28,<br />
1939” 8 This approach entails first the following consequence: the pacts cannot<br />
be considered as a „simple” circumstancial diplomatic or „neutrality”<br />
agreement but they establish an actual „alliance” between Germany and the<br />
USSR. In 1957, J.B. Duroselle and his team, concerning Soviet policy from<br />
August 23 on, explain that they can neither „be moral judges or even political<br />
ones of the Soviet attitude in these circumstances”, and they write: „Let’s<br />
simply say that it is perfectly coherent and that in the absence of any moral<br />
justification in the non-communist perspective of relations between states, it<br />
had strategic bases for justification. <strong>The</strong> June 1941 events are a testimony of<br />
particular significance.” (J.B. Duroselle). „It is perfectly normal that having<br />
signed a pact of non-agression with the Reich, the USSR had led a diplomatic<br />
game which was fair and necessary from its point of view in order not to<br />
ressucitate a state, a satellite of Germany, in this case the Polish state which<br />
had created so many problems for it since the first day of its founding and<br />
which in 1939, had been one of the main causes of the failure of the triad’s<br />
pact” (Benjamin Goriely) 9 . In 1979, René Girault insisted on the meaning of<br />
the pacts: „it was no longer a question of remaining at an equal distance<br />
between the two capitalist camps; it was a question of a real opportunity for<br />
7<br />
DUROSELLE, Jean-Baptiste: Histoire diplomatique…op.cit., 1953. 284.<br />
8<br />
GIRAULT, René: art.cité. 111. COURTOIS, Stephane and FURET, François also use the<br />
word „pacts” and not „pact”.<br />
9<br />
DUROSELLE, Jean-Baptiste : Les frontières…op.cit., 1957, XIII. et 284.<br />
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