The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
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If we accept that a document’s content is what is written in it, we can state that<br />
the <strong>Molotov</strong>-<strong>Ribbentrop</strong> <strong>Pact</strong> itself is a non-aggression treaty between the<br />
Communist Soviet Union and the Nazi German Empire, which accurately<br />
demarcated their spheres of interest in a secret clause in order to avoid any<br />
controversial issues. In this sense we can call this treaty a typical example of<br />
classic imperial policy, for which we can find numerous examples especially in the<br />
colonial area. Everything else beyond this can be interpreted only in a broader<br />
context and does not result merely from the pact. <strong>The</strong> treaty of September 28, 1939<br />
is a boundary and friendly treaty according to its title, even if the concept of<br />
friendship in a political context shall be handled carefully in historical criticism.<br />
Why Did <strong>The</strong>y Sign the Treaty?<br />
Since the treaty was signed just before the outbreak of World War II, the<br />
document is said to have provided Hitler the opportunity to wage a war without<br />
risking fighting a dual theatre war. This explains why the question of<br />
responsibility is such a significant issue of the debate about the pact.<br />
Analyzing Hitler’s responsibility is almost superfluous as his motives were<br />
well-known: he reckoned that time had come for a localized war against Poland<br />
and he wanted to avoid a dual-theatre war, 6 which he regarded the biggest<br />
strategic fault of the imperial Germany even in „Mein Kampf”. For the sake of<br />
his purpose, he had to come to an agreement either with his western or his<br />
eastern enemies. 7 As he could not expect remarkable diplomatic success against<br />
the British and the French a year after Munich, 8 he had to come to an agreement<br />
with Moscow under the given circumstances, which did not prove to be very<br />
difficult (in view of the facts). We have to emphasize, however, that this<br />
cooperation could only be temporary for Hitler: since their coming into power,<br />
the Nazis advocated the necessity of eliminating Communism and the „Mein<br />
Kampf” – irrespectively of its political system – set the program of<br />
germanising the Eastern Slavic territories as a long-term purpose. Still, the<br />
„peaceful cohabitation” of the two world orders – like in the case of the USA<br />
and the Soviet Union later – could certainly have been imaginable for even<br />
decades; nevertheless, this is not the world of historians but that of sci-fi. <strong>The</strong><br />
German Empire obviously wanted the war and regarded the Soviet Union an<br />
enemy in the long run. <strong>The</strong> relation of the two powers was far from friendly, as<br />
pointed out properly even by Tamás Krausz in his above cited article. 9<br />
PACZKOWSKI, Andrzej-COURTOIS, Stéphane: <strong>The</strong> Black Book of Communism: Crimes,<br />
Terror, Repression. Harvard University Press, 1999. 5.<br />
6 RÁNKI György: A második világháború története. Gondolat, Budapest, 1973. 7.<br />
7 Arising from the nature of Nazism and German superiority, Hitler had no „friends,” only<br />
enemies and temporary allies.<br />
8 ORMOS, Mária-MAJOROS, István: Európa a nemzetközi küzdőtéren. Osiris, Budapest, 2003. 402.<br />
9 KRAUSZ Tamás: Néhány megjegyzés a <strong>Molotov</strong>-<strong>Ribbentrop</strong> paktum értelmezéséhez. IN:<br />
13