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The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

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If we accept that a document’s content is what is written in it, we can state that<br />

the <strong>Molotov</strong>-<strong>Ribbentrop</strong> <strong>Pact</strong> itself is a non-aggression treaty between the<br />

Communist Soviet Union and the Nazi German Empire, which accurately<br />

demarcated their spheres of interest in a secret clause in order to avoid any<br />

controversial issues. In this sense we can call this treaty a typical example of<br />

classic imperial policy, for which we can find numerous examples especially in the<br />

colonial area. Everything else beyond this can be interpreted only in a broader<br />

context and does not result merely from the pact. <strong>The</strong> treaty of September 28, 1939<br />

is a boundary and friendly treaty according to its title, even if the concept of<br />

friendship in a political context shall be handled carefully in historical criticism.<br />

Why Did <strong>The</strong>y Sign the Treaty?<br />

Since the treaty was signed just before the outbreak of World War II, the<br />

document is said to have provided Hitler the opportunity to wage a war without<br />

risking fighting a dual theatre war. This explains why the question of<br />

responsibility is such a significant issue of the debate about the pact.<br />

Analyzing Hitler’s responsibility is almost superfluous as his motives were<br />

well-known: he reckoned that time had come for a localized war against Poland<br />

and he wanted to avoid a dual-theatre war, 6 which he regarded the biggest<br />

strategic fault of the imperial Germany even in „Mein Kampf”. For the sake of<br />

his purpose, he had to come to an agreement either with his western or his<br />

eastern enemies. 7 As he could not expect remarkable diplomatic success against<br />

the British and the French a year after Munich, 8 he had to come to an agreement<br />

with Moscow under the given circumstances, which did not prove to be very<br />

difficult (in view of the facts). We have to emphasize, however, that this<br />

cooperation could only be temporary for Hitler: since their coming into power,<br />

the Nazis advocated the necessity of eliminating Communism and the „Mein<br />

Kampf” – irrespectively of its political system – set the program of<br />

germanising the Eastern Slavic territories as a long-term purpose. Still, the<br />

„peaceful cohabitation” of the two world orders – like in the case of the USA<br />

and the Soviet Union later – could certainly have been imaginable for even<br />

decades; nevertheless, this is not the world of historians but that of sci-fi. <strong>The</strong><br />

German Empire obviously wanted the war and regarded the Soviet Union an<br />

enemy in the long run. <strong>The</strong> relation of the two powers was far from friendly, as<br />

pointed out properly even by Tamás Krausz in his above cited article. 9<br />

PACZKOWSKI, Andrzej-COURTOIS, Stéphane: <strong>The</strong> Black Book of Communism: Crimes,<br />

Terror, Repression. Harvard University Press, 1999. 5.<br />

6 RÁNKI György: A második világháború története. Gondolat, Budapest, 1973. 7.<br />

7 Arising from the nature of Nazism and German superiority, Hitler had no „friends,” only<br />

enemies and temporary allies.<br />

8 ORMOS, Mária-MAJOROS, István: Európa a nemzetközi küzdőtéren. Osiris, Budapest, 2003. 402.<br />

9 KRAUSZ Tamás: Néhány megjegyzés a <strong>Molotov</strong>-<strong>Ribbentrop</strong> paktum értelmezéséhez. IN:<br />

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