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The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

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iron? Where can one find more nickel, more coal, more manganese, more<br />

molybdenum? Ukraine is the source of manganese to which even America goes<br />

for its supplies. And, on top of that, so many other possibilities! <strong>The</strong> vegetable<br />

oils, the heave plantations to be organized. With 100,000 acres devoted to the<br />

growing of rubber, our needs are covered”. 4<br />

Among reasons which Hitler was given to explain eastern territorial<br />

expansion was also strong racial attitude and memories of German control over<br />

Ukraine in 1918 5 . That experience reinforced his belief that the Ukrainians are<br />

precarious and untrustworthy allies, almost bolshevists, and even the<br />

Belarusians were much more prized by him 6 . In the final analysis, Nazi view of<br />

Ukraine, that so-called „new Indian Empire” 7 , was affected by both the image<br />

of unused economic potential, which includes Ukraine’s considerably role in<br />

petroleum transit from Caucasus, and Hitler’s immense contempt for Slavs<br />

living there, who were find incapable of efficient self-organization. According<br />

to Nazi ideology Slavs were directly created to either the post of labor force or<br />

just to undertake diversionary actions against the Soviet Union.<br />

Surprisingly, Germany enjoyed respect in Ukraine. <strong>The</strong> issue that inflamed<br />

pro-German attitude of Ukrainian independence movement in general was in<br />

fact experience of World War I, namely German intervention in 1918 and<br />

proclamation the Hetmanate by Pavlo Skoropadskyi. That short period bore no<br />

resemblance to the bolshevists repressions of that time. On the contrary, the<br />

German occupation resulted in relative restoration of economic institutions as<br />

well as comparative political stability. 8 Many Ukrainians pointed to the rise of<br />

chaos after backdown of the German army in November 1918 as cautionary<br />

tales of what can happen without their protection. <strong>The</strong> Germans were very<br />

often declared to be exponents of higher civilization and counterbalance for the<br />

wild Russians. <strong>The</strong>refore, in the 1920s it was Berlin that has became an<br />

important centre of Ukrainian emigration.<br />

Moreover, the Ukrainians found it prudent to cooperate with Germans<br />

during the 1930s 9 because of mutual resentment. Both Germany and Ukraine<br />

4 Bormann-Vermerke. cz. I (tzw. „gawędy domowe” Hitlera z lat 1941-1944). In:<br />

ZABOROWSKI, Jan (ed.): „Generalplan Ost”. Koncepcje i plany polityki wschodniej Adolfa<br />

Hitlera (wybór tekstów). Warszawa, 1997. 107.<br />

5 HRYCAK, Jaroslav: Tezy do dyskusji o UPA. In: Idem. Nowa Ukraina. Nowe interpretacje.<br />

Wrocław, 2002. 92.<br />

6 HITLER, Adolf: Rozmowy przy stole 1941-1944. Charyzma 1996. 88.<br />

7 Bormann-Vermerke, cz. I…, 110.<br />

8 MEDRECKI, Włodzimierz. Niemiecka interwencja na Ukrainie w 1918 roku. Warszawa,<br />

2000. 306-307.<br />

9 Although Ukrainian nationalists have kept in touch with NSDAP since 1921, their mutual<br />

relations developed during next decade, especially when Nazis came to power in Germany in 1933.<br />

Hitler put the Ukrainians to use in undertaking diversionary actions against the USSR and in<br />

forming intelligence network in East Europe and Balkans. <strong>The</strong> cooperation was much strengthened<br />

in 1933, when in Munich Ukrainian National Federation (UNO) was designed. UNO was formally<br />

liable for caring for the Ukrainians living in Germany, but its authorities was totally subordinated to<br />

104

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