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The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

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Baranyi, Tamás<br />

„A Surprise of a Very Unpleasant Character”<br />

British Reaction to the <strong>Molotov</strong>-<strong>Ribbentrop</strong> <strong>Pact</strong><br />

<strong>The</strong> signing of the <strong>Molotov</strong>-<strong>Ribbentrop</strong> <strong>Pact</strong> caused mayhem throughout<br />

British politics. Suddenly, the Whitehall had to abandon the policy of<br />

„appeasement”, and develop an entirely new approach to international politics.<br />

<strong>The</strong> present study tries to elaborate on the British opinion and policy responses<br />

given to the Russo-German <strong>Pact</strong>. <strong>The</strong> first question to arise is to what extent<br />

were the British politicians aware of the Russo-German approximation, and to<br />

what extent were they surprised by the Russian volte-face? Secondly, the policy<br />

responses given by London needs to be examined. At the same time, the British<br />

pursued three different policies: they had a last attempt to appease Hitler, they<br />

tried to contain German expansionism, and they tried to forge a better<br />

relationship with Moscow. <strong>The</strong>se responses are of utmost interest in the history<br />

of the world war.<br />

Great Britain was seeking peace throughout the 1930s. It was partly due to<br />

the general anti-war sentiment in the British Empire, partly to English<br />

suspicions towards French grandeur politics, and partly to the cautious<br />

recognition of the Empire’s relative weakness. To a certain extent, the Foreign<br />

Office was consistent: they were willing to concede Hitler in his attempts to<br />

revise the Treaty of Versailles, but by no means to re-negotiate spheres of<br />

world influence. 1<br />

As a response to Germany’s new achievements in 1939, Britain decided to<br />

give territorial guarantee to Poland in April, and to commence trilateral<br />

negotiations with France and the USSR, in order to involve the Soviets in an<br />

alliance to contain Hitler’s ambitions. <strong>The</strong>se negotiations were going on from<br />

April to August, 1939. In August, a British military mission was also sent to<br />

Moscow, though their efforts were not of a real significance. 2 British politics<br />

had often been criticized that they were not really committed to make an<br />

alliance with Russia. In fact, as Henry Kissinger pointed out, Stalin acted as if<br />

he was in a bazaar: he had listened to all offers, and then decided who to<br />

1 Secondary works on the British foreign policy in the 1930s generally have the same<br />

conclusion regarding the causes of ’appeasement policy.’ This remarkably compact and essential<br />

summary is given by Gergely Egedy. Cf. EGEDY, Gergely: Nagy-Britannia története. Aula,<br />

Budapest, 1998. 179-181.<br />

2 <strong>The</strong> British were not really eager to make a pact with Russia. <strong>The</strong> military mission had chosen<br />

the slowest vehicle to get to Russia (a merchant ship), and there were no front-ranking persons in it,<br />

comparable to their Soviet counterpart, Voroshilov, etc. Cf. WATSON, Derek: <strong>Molotov</strong>’s<br />

Apprenticehip in Foreign Policy: <strong>The</strong> Triple Alliance Negotiations in 1939. In: Europa-Asia Studies<br />

2000/4. 713. As TAYLOR, A. J. P. put it, „If British diplomacy seriously aspired to alliance with<br />

Soviet Russia in 1939, then the negotiations towards this end were the most incompetent transactions<br />

since Lord North lost the American colonies...” Qtd. in WATSON, op. cit., 696.<br />

125

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