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The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

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the „matter”, where there was a permanent detailed overview of the „emigrant”<br />

figures, on the other hand he praised the total collection of the instances by the<br />

SD. So the hegemonic position of the SD was a very important matter for the SS<br />

leaders. Hagen also noticed in his report that the system is apparently selffinanced,<br />

which of course was only possible by the robbery of the fugitives. He<br />

considered it necessary to expand his authority and he was considering a possible<br />

extension of the „Vienna Approach” throughout the Reich. 46<br />

Eichmann was not the inventor but the driving force behind the<br />

„Zentralstelle”. He took care of efficiency and made a million dollar business.<br />

<strong>The</strong> horror of it was that the robbery was not completed by SS men, but by<br />

helpless employees of the Jewish Community. <strong>The</strong> „Desk Murderer” Adolf<br />

Eichmann made his victims to „helpers”. 47 As if that fact would not be already<br />

sad enough, many of these involuntary „helpers” came after the war under the<br />

suspicion of having collaborated willingly with the Nazis. 48<br />

So shortly after the foundation, the „Zentralstelle” was pointing the way for the<br />

whole Reich. As Safrian writes, Hagen had recognized the trend-setting significance<br />

of the „Vienna model”: 1. Compulsory expulsion of those robbed of their<br />

possessions; 2. Payment fort he management of „emigration” either by the victims<br />

themselves or through foreign currency provided by Jewish organizations abroad; 3.<br />

Extension of the power of the SD by assuming executive privileges 49 .<br />

In the practical implementation of their bureaucratic work, Eichmann and<br />

his men did not forget to give themselves as „Aryan masters” towards their<br />

victims and to harass them. Humiliation and violence were on the agenda. 50<br />

After two months, Eichmann sent the numbers of his previous „work” to<br />

Berlin. He proudly told of the increase in the daily „emigration figure” to 350.<br />

Until the 20 th of September 1939 therefore 38.000 Jews had „left” the country.<br />

Together with the after Nazi views „illegally relocated” Austrian Jews, he<br />

came up with a figure of 50.000 displaced persons. 51 <strong>The</strong>se figures were<br />

inflated. Of the approximately 40.000 „under supervision” expelled Jews could<br />

have been „treated” at most one quarter by the „Zentralstelle”. Eichmann’s<br />

superiors were, however, blinded by these figures and took them seriously. 52<br />

Lozowick’s verdict on the year 1938: „In summary, 1938 displayed two new<br />

trends: the transition to operational activity, and dwindling active<br />

46<br />

SAFRIAN, Hans: Eichmann’s Men. 32-33.<br />

47<br />

KNOPP: Helfer. 35. LEGENSTEIN, Roland: Adolf Eichmann - der Schreibtischtäter.<br />

Koordinator der „Endlösung” Dipl.-Arb., Wien, 2002. 37-38.<br />

48<br />

An interesting as equally sad contribution from the newspaper Profil on the issue No. 28<br />

online at: http://www.vwi.ac.at/ausstellung_jmw/pressespiegel/2007-07-09_Profil_Nr28_IKG-<br />

Archiv-Austellung_JMW_k.pdf (1. 4. 2010).<br />

49<br />

SAFRIAN, Hans: Eichmann’s Men. 33.<br />

50<br />

Ibid. 34.<br />

51<br />

Vgl.: Ibid. 35. BURLEIGH, Michael: Die Zeit des Nationalsozialismus. Frankfurt am<br />

Main, 2000. 372. Profil: Issue No. 18, 28. April 1995. 62.<br />

52<br />

SAFRIAN, Hans: Eichmann’s Men. 35.<br />

85

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