The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
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Before the <strong>Pact</strong><br />
M. Coulondre, the French ambassador in Berlin, lets G. Bonnet know that<br />
the Soviet Union will do everything to avoid antagonizing Berlin, knowing that<br />
the Soviets have not yet replaced their Headquarters after the purges that<br />
followed the Moscow trials.<br />
<strong>The</strong> French government understands quickly enough that the USSR has in<br />
mind drawing near Germany. On May 3 rd 1939, Litvinov, a supporter of<br />
collective security, is replaced by <strong>Molotov</strong> at the Soviet Ministry of Foreign<br />
Affairs. He is Stalin's right hand and he is more pragmatic than his predecessor<br />
was. Between the 15 th and the 20 th of August, France urges Poland to make<br />
concessions on the right of passage the Germans find so important. On August<br />
21 st evening, the French resolve to disregard the Polish refusal and<br />
acknowledge this right to the Russian army, in order to avoid any soviet<br />
alliance with the third Reich.<br />
Bonnet was indignant at the position of the Polish government during the<br />
Czechoslovakia crisis. That day, Bonnet said: „It's Czechoslovakia today, it will be<br />
Poland tomorrow.” France does not want to see Poland isolated between Hitler's<br />
Germany and Stalin's Russia. Nevertheless, G. Bonnet's policy of compromise<br />
reaches its limits because Poland's successive refusals make Germany impatient.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Munich agreement confirms the dismantling of Czechoslovakia. An opinion<br />
poll shows that 57% of the French population are satisfied with the agreement, but<br />
after the Sudéte crisis, 70% refuse any new concessions. Also, the Soviet Union<br />
does not understand the diplomacy and strategy of France and England. On May<br />
7 th , Coulondres sends a telegram to the Quai d'Orsay, saying: „Soon, they will see<br />
that something is going on in the East.”<br />
In Munich, already, Czechoslovakia had been excluded from the<br />
negotiations about its fate by the four powers. General Syrovy, the President of<br />
the Czechoslovakian Council, said that „by making such a decision, the<br />
Czechoslovakian government lets the world know it protests against a<br />
unilateral decision that was made without its participating in it.”<br />
France tries to avoid a conflict but the Germans put heavier and heavier<br />
pressure on the Poles, as we can see in the telegram the French ambassador in<br />
Warsaw, Léon Noël, sent to G. Bonnet on August 19 th 1939. „Persecutions<br />
against the Poles have taken frightening proportions. During the period<br />
between April 1 st and June 30 th , 976 acts of violence have been reportedly<br />
recorded (...) and since July 1 st the situation is said to have become even<br />
worse.” In the same way the telegrams sent by M. Coulondre or Léon Noël<br />
always mention the German intention to invade Poland.<br />
<strong>The</strong> French Consul in Hamburg, M. Garreau, lets G. Bonnet know , on august<br />
22 nd 1939, that „the German government hopes to overcome Poland by the end of<br />
the month.<strong>The</strong> Reich (...) believes Moscow is preparing a big political upheaval<br />
in order to harmonize the ideologies of the two totalitarian regimes.”<br />
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