The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
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Party), the enemy of the inside. Of course the remarks violence varies<br />
according to the political edge but overall the anti-communist campaign is<br />
unanimous and virulent. On the right and the extreme right, nothing is<br />
surprising, antagonism is already old but occasion is blessed to destroy French<br />
Communist Party. On the left, the report is not hardy better because attitude<br />
answers same logics and if arguments differ about tone and nature, the required<br />
result is the same one: to make disappear the French Communist Party. To the<br />
left, the report is hardly better because the attitude answers the same logics and<br />
if the arguments differ from tone and from nature, the popular profit is the<br />
same : remove the PCF. In the SFIO, divergent opinions were: Blum debate<br />
with Cachin but he disapproves of the suspension of L'Humanité and expresses<br />
his embarrassment, shaken by the contradictions between his spokesman's post<br />
of the party and his personal convictions. But in spite his person, the Blum’s<br />
moderation does not make unanimity and within the SFIO the tone is the<br />
condemnation without reserve of which Paul Faure is made the example:<br />
„Douze balles dans la peau des complices de Hitler! D'accord.” 27 <strong>The</strong> question<br />
of the pact meets itself even in the internal debates of the parties when are in<br />
confrontation the various currents. At the radicals no more that somewhere else<br />
we know the reflex of union in front of capsizing of Moscou. 28 Jeanneney,<br />
president of the Senate, advises Daladier, figure of the party and the president<br />
of Council, to part from Georges Bonnet, radical and Foreign Secretary. For<br />
Jeanneney, it is a question of getting rid of a disruptive element, often free<br />
electron, which persists in opposing to the policy of firmness of the<br />
government after the signature of the pact. At also raises in house problem<br />
because its pacifist vision of the international situation supported by the right<br />
wing of the party arises in contradiction with the majority ideology of firmness<br />
developed by the left current of the radicals which knew since March 1939 that<br />
it was necessary „indéniablement se préparer à la guerre” 29 - although we can<br />
strongly qualify such an assertion.<br />
Finally, the French Communist Party remains a specific case because its<br />
attitude seems „constituer, politiquement, un suicide” 30 when, at the moment<br />
when all the French political life projectors are directed on it, align on the<br />
Stalin’s policy and deploys an argument arsenal which dismays all the political<br />
world. In spite of the pact signature, which however catches on the wrong-foot<br />
all communist engagements, the French Communist Party does not vary and<br />
align, locked in an ideological rationality which must prevent all divergent<br />
27<br />
Quoted by BERSTEIN, Serge. Léon Blum. Paris, 2006.<br />
28<br />
BERSTEIN, Serge: Histoire du Parti radical. Presses de la Fondation nationale des<br />
sciences politiques, Paris, 1982.<br />
29<br />
ZAY, Jean: Carnets secrets. 1942.<br />
30<br />
Remarks made by SADOUL, Jacques, an important figure ot the PCF, in a letter addressed<br />
on August 26 th to the senator of the Seine, Marcel Cachin, quoted by CRÉMIEUX-BRILHAC,<br />
Jean-Louis: Les Français de l'An 40, Tome 1: La guerre oui ou non?. Gallimard, Paris, 1990.<br />
118