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The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

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Party), the enemy of the inside. Of course the remarks violence varies<br />

according to the political edge but overall the anti-communist campaign is<br />

unanimous and virulent. On the right and the extreme right, nothing is<br />

surprising, antagonism is already old but occasion is blessed to destroy French<br />

Communist Party. On the left, the report is not hardy better because attitude<br />

answers same logics and if arguments differ about tone and nature, the required<br />

result is the same one: to make disappear the French Communist Party. To the<br />

left, the report is hardly better because the attitude answers the same logics and<br />

if the arguments differ from tone and from nature, the popular profit is the<br />

same : remove the PCF. In the SFIO, divergent opinions were: Blum debate<br />

with Cachin but he disapproves of the suspension of L'Humanité and expresses<br />

his embarrassment, shaken by the contradictions between his spokesman's post<br />

of the party and his personal convictions. But in spite his person, the Blum’s<br />

moderation does not make unanimity and within the SFIO the tone is the<br />

condemnation without reserve of which Paul Faure is made the example:<br />

„Douze balles dans la peau des complices de Hitler! D'accord.” 27 <strong>The</strong> question<br />

of the pact meets itself even in the internal debates of the parties when are in<br />

confrontation the various currents. At the radicals no more that somewhere else<br />

we know the reflex of union in front of capsizing of Moscou. 28 Jeanneney,<br />

president of the Senate, advises Daladier, figure of the party and the president<br />

of Council, to part from Georges Bonnet, radical and Foreign Secretary. For<br />

Jeanneney, it is a question of getting rid of a disruptive element, often free<br />

electron, which persists in opposing to the policy of firmness of the<br />

government after the signature of the pact. At also raises in house problem<br />

because its pacifist vision of the international situation supported by the right<br />

wing of the party arises in contradiction with the majority ideology of firmness<br />

developed by the left current of the radicals which knew since March 1939 that<br />

it was necessary „indéniablement se préparer à la guerre” 29 - although we can<br />

strongly qualify such an assertion.<br />

Finally, the French Communist Party remains a specific case because its<br />

attitude seems „constituer, politiquement, un suicide” 30 when, at the moment<br />

when all the French political life projectors are directed on it, align on the<br />

Stalin’s policy and deploys an argument arsenal which dismays all the political<br />

world. In spite of the pact signature, which however catches on the wrong-foot<br />

all communist engagements, the French Communist Party does not vary and<br />

align, locked in an ideological rationality which must prevent all divergent<br />

27<br />

Quoted by BERSTEIN, Serge. Léon Blum. Paris, 2006.<br />

28<br />

BERSTEIN, Serge: Histoire du Parti radical. Presses de la Fondation nationale des<br />

sciences politiques, Paris, 1982.<br />

29<br />

ZAY, Jean: Carnets secrets. 1942.<br />

30<br />

Remarks made by SADOUL, Jacques, an important figure ot the PCF, in a letter addressed<br />

on August 26 th to the senator of the Seine, Marcel Cachin, quoted by CRÉMIEUX-BRILHAC,<br />

Jean-Louis: Les Français de l'An 40, Tome 1: La guerre oui ou non?. Gallimard, Paris, 1990.<br />

118

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