The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

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For example describes Hannah Arendt, who was also a trial observer in Jerusalem 13 , in her book „Eichmann in Jerusalem” 14 the normality with which Eichmann met the crimes with the words „banality of evil”. She represented him as a ruthless command receiver without motives and tried to point out that this attitude was more terrible than all the atrocities. For many people her „banalisation of evil” represented simultaneously a „banalisation of the holocaust”. That’s the reason why her views remain more than controversial in historical research. Simon Wiesenthal described Eichmann contrary as an „Accountant of death”. 15 Hans Mommsen wrote: „Adolf Eichmann represents the mechanism of compartmentalized accountability, associated with perfectionism bureaucratic and authoritarian submission.” 16 Gideon Hausner however regards Eichmann as the personification of evil. He wrote, that Eichmann was the „Incarnation of the satanic principle” 17 . The Historian Yaacon Lozowick objects Hannah Arendt in his book „Hitler’s Bureaucrats” by making clear, that Eichmann and his comrades had nothing banal in themselves and very well knew what they were doing. 18 Even John Weiss rejects the theory of the „Banality of Evil” and concludes: [Eichmann followed] „a terrible and unshakable personal belief in the ideology of death.” 19 Eichmann's role in the Nazi power structure and his personal freedom of action, motives and initiatives are, therefore, as we see, in controversial referring to that, Auschwitz a „[…] No man’s land of understanding […]”. He also thinks that Auschwitz is a „[…] black box of explanation, a historiographical interpretation attempts absorbing, beyond historically importance receiving vacuum.” DAN, Diner: Zwischen Aporie und Apologie. Über Grenzen der Historisierbarkeit des Nationalsozialismus. In: DAN, Diner (ed.) Ist der Nationalsozialismus Geschichte? Zu Historisierung und Historikerstreit. Frankfurt am Main, 1987. Read in: SAFRIAN, Hans: Eichmann’s Men. 10. 13 Adolf Eichmann had to stand trial in court of the Israeli Government in Jerusalem in 1961. After he managed to go underground after 45’he made it to Argentina along the so-called „ratline”. In 1960 a target group of investigators of the „Mossad” smuggled Eichmann, in lack of an extradition agreement to Israel. The trial against Eichmann in the Jerusalem District Court with the case number 40/61 began on the 11th of April and ended on the 15 th of December 1961. The judgement, which was to death by hanging, was confirmed by the Court of Appeal on second instance. Adolf Eichmann was executed on the 31 st of May 1962 in Ramleh near Tel Aviv. Until today it was the only death sentence, carried out by the Israeli judiciary. 14 ARENDT, Hannah: Eichmann in Jerusalem. A report on the banality of evil. London, 1963. 15 ZDF-Dokumentation: Eichmann – der Vernichter. 16 MOMMSEN, Hans: Der Nationalsozialismus und die deutsche Gesellschaft. Ausgewählte Aufsätze. Hamburg, 1991. 215. In the original text: „Adolf Eichmann repräsentiert den Mechanismus kompartimentalisierter Verantwortlichkeit, die sich mit bürokratischem Perfektionismus und obrigkeitsstaatlicher Unterwerfung verknüpfte.” 17 HAUSNER, Gideon: Die Vernichtung der Juden. München, 1979. 10. In the original text: „Verkörperung des satanischen Prinzips” 18 LOZOWICK, Yaacon: Hitler’s Bureaucrats. The Nazi security police and the banality of evil. Leicester, 2002. 22. 19 WEISS, John: Der lange Weg zum Holocaust. Die Geschichte der Judenfeindschaft in Deutschland und Österreich. Hamburg, 1997. 519. In the original text: [Eichmann folgte] „einem schrecklichen und unerschütterlichen persönlichen Glauben an die Ideologie des Todes.” 78
esearch. But how could the suppression of the individual freedom and the high degree of voluntary participation and enthusiasm, which apparently occurred side by side in the Reich, brought together? Bernd Jürgen Wendt tries to give an answer in writing, the Germans 20 in the Third Reich perished into a people of leaders and sub-leaders. Their ambitions have been fueled by offices, uniforms and stars, which were associated with social advancement, when they simultaneously were politically disenfranchised as citizens. Performance and loyalty were guaranteed by this system of lifting out of the crowd. Due to the demand of duty, order, cleanliness, diligence and obedience, at various public officials a striving perfection, as well as operational and efficiency ethic was reached. These technocrats tried to perform the given or self-selected tasks perfectly, without asking for custom and morality. One of these technocrats was Adolf Eichmann. 21 Eichmann’s younger years Adolf Eichmann was born on the 19th of March in 1906 in Solingen, Germany. In 1914 he moved with his family to Austria in the city of Linz. His academic career is unclear in the literature, but is shown as not successful. 22 After his mother died, his father married again. Probably because Eichmann's stepmother was based strictly Christian, he was also very early member of the „Christian Association of young men”. Later he joined the racist youth movement „Wandervogel”. He was a member of the so called „Falken”, 20 Here the Austrians, of course, are included. 21 WENDT, Bernd Jürgen: Deutschland 1933-1945. Das „Dritte Reich”. Hannover, 1995. 134. LEGENSTEIN, Roland: Adolf Eichmann - der Schreibtischtäter. Koordinator der „Endlösung”. Dipl.-Arb., Wien, 2002. 5-8. 22 This may also be, because Eichmann himself made contradictionary statements about this time. After the elementary school he attended the same junior high school, which also Hitler had attended, and like him, he also could not finish it. After the junior high school he attended either a polytechnic school [ARENDT: 102. See: KNOPP Guido: Hitlers Helfer. Die Täter. München, 1998. 30. Read in: LEGENSTEIN, Roland: Adolf Eichmann - der Schreibtischtäter. Koordinator der „Endlösung”. Dipl.-Arb., Wien, 2002. 11.], a higher school of mechanical engineering [KEMPFER, Robert M. W.: Eichmann und Komplizen. Zürich, 1961. 25. See: MULISCH, Harry: Strafsache 40/61. Eine Reportage über den Eichmann-Prozeß. Berlin, 1996. 24. See: SMELSER, Ronald/ SYRING, Enrico (Hgg.): Die SS: Elite unter dem Totenkopf. Paderborn, 2000. 135. Read in: LEGENSTEIN, Roland: Adolf Eichmann - der Schreibtischtäter. Koordinator der „Endlösung”. Dipl.-Arb., Wien, 2002. 11.], or a mechanic training. [YAHIL, Leni: Die Shoa. Überlebenskampf und Vernichtung der europäischen Juden. München, 1998. 160. See: JACKEL, Eberhard-LONGRICH,Peter-SCHOEPS,Julius (Hgg.): Enzyklopädie des Holocaust. Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden. 4 Bände. München, 1995. 385. Read in: LEGENSTEIN, Roland: Adolf Eichmann - der Schreibtischtäter. Koordinator der „Endlösung”. Dipl.-Arb., Wien, 2002. 11.] On all official documents of Adolf Eichmann always claimed to be a „professional machine builder”, but this is not true, because he never graduated. [LEGENSTEIN, Roland: Adolf Eichmann - der Schreibtischtäter. Koordinator der „Endlösung”. Dipl.-Arb., Wien, 2002. 9-11.] 79
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ISBN 978-963-284-164-9
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Unknown Clauses: The Background Dea
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CONTENTS Foreword (István MAJOROS,
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Foreword The world remembers in 200
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The Historical Judgement of the Mol
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went often on emotional instead of
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What is much more interesting is th
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such an international agreement as
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Text of the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggress
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Done in duplicate, in the German an
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Lachaise, Bernard Historiography of
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Relations) are the focus of special
Page 29 and 30: Russian agreement (…) would allow
Page 31 and 32: Europe and on the French communists
Page 33 and 34: adopted a stance of denying the fac
Page 35 and 36: Ortolan, Guillaume The 70 th annive
Page 37 and 38: government (more than twenty) came,
Page 39 and 40: War. On the contrary, it shows that
Page 41 and 42: this anniversary and more widely of
Page 43: interesting: „Illusions. In summe
Page 47 and 48: Kretschmann, Vasco The ideological
Page 49 and 50: One of the most influential associa
Page 51 and 52: Germanness in the provinces of West
Page 53 and 54: Prętkiewicz, Przemysław The syste
Page 55 and 56: interwar period and the treaty was
Page 57 and 58: situation of rising danger accepted
Page 59 and 60: Manchukuo and broke relations with
Page 61: I would like to finish my article w
Page 64 and 65: party itself but for the whole Slov
Page 66 and 67: In summary, the group of the „Mod
Page 68 and 69: make proposals or suggestions. 6 In
Page 70 and 71: (Aland), Hanko and the islands of t
Page 72 and 73: have had a less serious effect on t
Page 74 and 75: not expect strong resistance and ho
Page 77 and 78: Winkler, Paul Adolf Eichmann’s Vi
Page 79: individual offenders, 10 who used h
Page 83 and 84: expert of this matter 29 and had as
Page 85 and 86: Arendt on the contrary is in the op
Page 87 and 88: the „matter”, where there was a
Page 89 and 90: adoption of the model it became cle
Page 91 and 92: of Eichmann. For that Heydrich deli
Page 93: esistance […] but of logistics. N
Page 96 and 97: British government refused to give
Page 98 and 99: ole in the defence of Madrid in Nov
Page 100 and 101: public doubt the democratic idea of
Page 102 and 103: Republicans. In the refugee camps i
Page 104 and 105: 102
Page 106 and 107: iron? Where can one find more nicke
Page 108 and 109: According to his diaries, the main
Page 110 and 111: announced: „We have no active all
Page 112 and 113: 110
Page 114 and 115: negative, an analysis of the disapp
Page 116 and 117: can let think of an imminent war po
Page 118 and 119: de la guerre [il] ne fait que l'agg
Page 120 and 121: Party), the enemy of the inside. Of
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Page 124 and 125: Before the Pact M. Coulondre, the F
Page 126 and 127: Lets us skip a few decades and list
Page 128 and 129: argain with. Hitler had an offer th
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secret protocol clarified that the
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to reach out for Russia through the
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of a war interesting rather on civi
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At the same moment, we can note an
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Faure 2 , remains hostile to war. I
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war can still be avoided in June 19
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acked by a „belligerent” coalit
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142
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agreement” sound anachronistic. E
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1939 between Germany and the Soviet
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Two ideas emerge from the press: on
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soviets didn’t have motive. Blum
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Moscow's line, with the national an
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154
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2.000 German speaking inhabitants).
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The Eastern Polish border was not r
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Army. The mayor of Lviv did not wan
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162
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Budapest, and for Warsaw. The two c
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could not destroy the Polish Air Fo
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independence, Romania was forced to
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importance for the events considere
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possible future opposition to the S
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ate of communists within the Jews o
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the initial positive feeling toward
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wanted to take revenge for the NKVD
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German Reactions A last point that
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