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The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

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German Reactions<br />

A last point that must not be underestimated is the output the Germans took<br />

from these incidents. On the one hand they started a large propaganda-campaign in<br />

which the Soviets were depicted as murderers, on the other hand they could easily<br />

gain the local people‘s support in persecuting Jews from the start on. When the<br />

German units took over control they had to rely on the population‘s help because,<br />

as Martin Dean noticed, they would not have been able to identify Jews on their<br />

own. 56 <strong>The</strong> Germans did not put an end to the riots but let them go on or even<br />

motivated them. 57 Initially the Wehrmacht had been ordered to shoot political<br />

commissioners and the Einsatzgruppen had to persecute Soviet political personnel<br />

and especially Jewish cadres. After they discovered the NKVD‘s victims, the range<br />

of victims grew and it was no longer only certain groups within the Jewish<br />

population but the Jews as a group of their own. 58<br />

<strong>The</strong> German propaganda used the NKVD‘s crimes to justify their own crimes.<br />

but after the first wave of violence slowed down, they restricted further riots because<br />

they feared to otherwise lose control. 59 It was now solely the Einsatzgruppen‘s duty<br />

to persecute the Jewish population, even though they had help of local volunteers.<br />

<strong>The</strong> further atrocities against the Jews were carried out according to plans and can<br />

not be compared to the initial spontaneity of actions. 60<br />

Final statements<br />

As the controversy of Bogdan Musial‘s theses shows, it is still not easy to<br />

discuss violence against Jews during the Second World War. <strong>The</strong> Holocaust‘s<br />

shadow often prevents a view on the local population‘s part in the persecution of<br />

their Jewish neighbours. One must not compare one phenomenon with another,<br />

but rather regard the Ukrainian and White Russian‘s pogroms as something that<br />

happened independent from the later German crimes against the Jews. - And by<br />

independent I do not mean on their own initiative, as stated above, but without<br />

initial connection to the later events, as they could not be foreseen.<br />

56<br />

DEAN, Martin: <strong>The</strong> ‚Local Police‘ in Nazi-occupied Belarus and Ukraine as the ‚Ideal<br />

Type‘ of Collaboration - in Practice, in the Recollection of its Members and in the Verdicts of the<br />

Courts. In: TAUBER, Joachim (Ed.): ‚Kollaboration‘ in Nordosteuropa - Erscheinungsformen<br />

und Deutungen im 20. Jahrhundert. Wiesbaden, 2006. 418.<br />

57<br />

POHL, Dieter: Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien 1941-1944 -<br />

Organisation und Durchführung eines staatlichen Massenverbrechens. München, 1996. 59.<br />

58<br />

Ibidem. 138.<br />

59<br />

Ibidem. 66. HILBERG, Raul: Täter, Opfer, Zuschauer - Die Vernichtung der Juden 1933-<br />

1945, Frankfurt am Main, 1992. 198.<br />

60<br />

OVERY, Richard: Russlands Krieg - 1941-1945, Reinbek bei Hamburg, 2003. 221.<br />

POHL, Dieter: Ukrainische Hilfskräfte beim Mord an den Juden. In: PAUL, Gerhard (Ed.):<br />

Die Täter der Shoah - Fanatische Nationalsozialisten oder ganz normale Deutsche?,<br />

Göttingen, 2002. 212-219, 224.<br />

180

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