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The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál

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party itself but for the whole Slovakian national consciousness. If the Slovakian<br />

national movement is for example compared with the German or the Bohemian<br />

one, an obvious difference appears. In Germany or in Bohemia the bourgeoisie<br />

mediated and emphasized the national idea. <strong>The</strong> Slovakian national movement<br />

was carried by the catholic church. <strong>The</strong> nexus between the catholic church and<br />

the national movement, the mixing between a religious founding and national<br />

ratio created the possibility to isolate the understanding of a Slovakian identity<br />

from the national movement of the Czechs. <strong>The</strong> HSPP bundled this<br />

understanding within the frame of a political party.<br />

Founded in 1905, named after its first leader the priest Andrej Hlinka, it<br />

already embodied the Slovak national movement under the tight conditions of<br />

Magyarization within the translaithanian part of the Habsburg empire.<br />

In 1935 30% of the Slovakians voted in the general elections for the<br />

movement in Czechoslovakia. <strong>The</strong> party came into power, when the<br />

independence of the Slovak Republic was proclaimed. Intentions and principles<br />

could turn into real politics.<br />

Defining attributes of the HSPP’s ideology<br />

Anit-Bolschevism built a defining part of the HSPP’s ideological<br />

conception. Anti-Bolschevism in this case meant neither particularly the<br />

rejection of the Russian Revolution`s outcome and consequences nor the<br />

rejection of the bloody reality in Stalin’s empire. It meant a massive reluctance<br />

against the democratic philosophy, a disaffirmation of democracy itself.<br />

Democracy, as the political system of the modern age with the capacity of<br />

general emancipation, equal rights and liberty, was flatly rejected, as the<br />

modern age with all its social, economic and cultural implications was damned.<br />

<strong>The</strong> modern age was seen as a threat to an everlasting order willed by God.<br />

In this sense Josef Tiso and his followers conceived themselves as<br />

protectors and concluded – according to Josef Tiso`s wording: „<strong>The</strong> party is the<br />

nation, and the nation is the party. <strong>The</strong> nation speaks through the party, and<br />

the party thinks for the nation. What is of harm to the nation, is forbidden by<br />

the party [...] <strong>The</strong> party cannot go wrong, if it always acts in the best interest of<br />

the nation.” 1<br />

According to this credo all other parties had to be forbidden, because they<br />

would only undermine the nation’s wellbeing, and split the Slovak people,<br />

which was thought of as a tide and indivisible unity, into fractions. As<br />

exceptions only two other parties were allowed to participate in the political<br />

system. Each party would represent a national minority: <strong>The</strong> Hungarian party<br />

1 TÖNSMEYER, Tatjana: Kollaboration als handlungsleitendes Motiv? Die Slowakisch<br />

Elite und das NS-Regime. In: Dieckmann, Christoph (Editor) et al.; Kooperation und<br />

Verbrechen. Formen der „Kollaboration” im östlichen Europa 1939-1945. Wallstein,<br />

Göttingen, 2003. 31.<br />

62

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