The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact - ELTE BTK Történelem Szakos Portál
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Moscow's line, with the national and some of the local leaders, while the other,<br />
followed by some militants, took a distance with the USSR. It’s interesting to<br />
note that grassroots militants were less criticized than their leaders. <strong>The</strong>y were<br />
deemed „naïve people who had followed Moscow” 36 . As G.Dupau, the former<br />
secretary of JAF (Young French Farmers) testifies in the department, this event<br />
was only debated in bodies close to the Party. (Organism who trusted on URSS<br />
sudden change). And political leaders and rank and file militants were not<br />
trated the same way; as Daladier said:”the government refuses to consider<br />
France's workers and communist leaders as one and the same” 37 , accusing<br />
those leaders of „trying to justify a peace by treason” 38 .<br />
In the department, communists were discredited too. However we could find<br />
examples of every tendency. Paul Desarps became in 1925 the first communist<br />
mayor in the department, in the little town of Tihl. 39 He had been elected on a<br />
list of workers and farmers. He led an antifascist committee, but in 1939 he<br />
dissociated himself from the Communist Party when he learnt about the pact. 40<br />
Somewhere else, Jean Paillé, the secretary of the CGT Trade Union in the<br />
Department was asked to leave his post. 41 So there were different reactions in<br />
the local PC, but it was essentially about its local leaders.<br />
As a conclusion we can say that, like at the national level, this pact was seen<br />
as a considerable event which revealed the USSR's duplicity and Germany’s<br />
manipulation. <strong>The</strong> reactions we talked about left scars in the department, and<br />
some political leaders like G. Dupau 42 were closely watched by the police<br />
following the pact. <strong>The</strong> prefect’s desk was covered with reports concerning PC<br />
leaders and militants. In most of cases the latter went on with their lives<br />
without thinking about what would happen to them during the following month<br />
of September, after the start of the Second World War, hesitating between<br />
following their leaders and taking their distances. <strong>The</strong>re was primarily a<br />
merciless fight of political leaders through the press, even between socialists<br />
and radicals, who only agreed on incriminating the communist party.<br />
36 Le Démocrate, tribunes de L.Bardette des 5-7 septembre.<br />
37 Le Républicain Landais, 2 septembre 1939.<br />
38 Le Républicain Landais, 2 septembre 1939.<br />
39 Institut d’Histoire sociale des Landes, la construction du Front Populaire, Les Communistes<br />
40 AD, 1M172, Rapports du des renseignements généraux au préfet sur l’activité des partis de<br />
gauhe, août 1939 ; +dissolution PCF dans les landes.<br />
41 Institut d’Histoire sociale des Landes, les syndicats et partis politiques<br />
42 Born in 1922, he was 17 years old when the pact was signed. He was near the PC because<br />
he led the JAF a near organism of the PC. He was the secretary of the JAF in the department. He<br />
led action against german during the occupation but denounced he was send to Sachenhausen<br />
concentration camp. He came back in 1945 in his town of Carcen Ponson. He spend his life to<br />
search and work about the Resistance in Landes department and had just published a book in<br />
2008. La Resistance dans les Landes.<br />
152