The Organization of Chipped-Stone Economies at Piedras Negras ...

the royal palace had more access to production debitage than did other residential groups
in the site; and (4) certain types of chipped-stone debitage had economic and symbolic
value to royal and nonroyal inhabitants of Piedras Negras. I briefly summarize my
findings as: (1) the production of microcrystalline-quartz goods was not restricted, while
that of obsidian was restricted during certain time periods; (2) obsidian-blade production
usually was associated with the production of microcrystalline-quartz tools (null
hypothesis not rejected); (3) the royal palace had more access to production debitage if
special deposits were included in the total, but not otherwise; and (4) specific types of
obsidian and microcrystalline-quartz debitage had a symbolic meaning. I use these results
to begin the task of reconstructing the organization of chipped-stone production and the
practice of production at Piedras Negras (see Chapters 7 and 8 for a discussion of these
results). I create a theoretical framework that can accommodate symbolic and economic
elements of the chipped-stone economy in Chapter 1, and discuss general aspects of this
theory, as well as the context of this study, for the remainder of Chapter 1.
Studies in the Maya area suggest that multiple economic systems were in play
simultaneously, both within the same polity and between different political entities across
the Maya lowlands. A review of recent literature on ancient Maya economics reveals that
the organization of local economies may have differed as much between polities as their
architecture and local religions did. In other words, the search for a Pan-Lowland
economic system begins, but does not end, with the study of a single site or region.
Research questions should recognize this heterogeneity and identify original elements of
economic activity. The variation in local resources, political ties, and forms of production
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