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The Organization of Chipped-Stone Economies at Piedras Negras ...

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[R]ituals employed during manufacture took time and effort away from the<br />

technical tasks <strong>at</strong> hand. Such rituals also involved additional skills and<br />

responsibilities in the production sequence th<strong>at</strong> had to be mastered during the<br />

apprenticeship and followed during production. <strong>The</strong>se rules and rituals were used<br />

to minimize risk and maximize success during an oper<strong>at</strong>ion, to prevent harm to<br />

iron workers, and to promote social and economic dependency on the iron<br />

workers within the community r<strong>at</strong>her than realize the Western value <strong>of</strong> efficiency.<br />

If the taboos were not met or the rituals were not performed, however, the<br />

resulting disasters would certainly reduce the efficiency <strong>of</strong> Toro iron production.<br />

<strong>The</strong> forge, bellows, and other “utilitarian” tools and fe<strong>at</strong>ures used in metal good<br />

production in Africa also are highly symbolic, and essential aspects <strong>of</strong> social identity<br />

(Childs 1998:119). In addition to rituals carried out upon the cre<strong>at</strong>ion <strong>of</strong> a forge and<br />

bellows, they also are decor<strong>at</strong>ed with male and female icons <strong>of</strong> sexual fertility. Many <strong>of</strong><br />

the objects smiths produce are imbued with the prestige and symbolism <strong>of</strong> the source,<br />

production area, and producer <strong>of</strong> their origin. Tools, fe<strong>at</strong>ures, and products may be tied to<br />

the same strain <strong>of</strong> esoteric knowledge controlled by the producer, and have implic<strong>at</strong>ions<br />

for production and consumption <strong>of</strong> iron goods (Helms 1993). Childs (1998:119) argued<br />

th<strong>at</strong> finding links between technologies and religious symbolism was an important<br />

archaeological avenue to identify ritualized production in the past.<br />

In Mesoamerica production also appears to have been ritualized. <strong>The</strong> most<br />

obvious examples <strong>of</strong> ritual associ<strong>at</strong>ed with human craft production are dedic<strong>at</strong>ory caches<br />

deposited during particular phases <strong>of</strong> architectural construction. Monaghan (1998) has<br />

recently conceptualized dedic<strong>at</strong>ory and caching ritual practice as production, after<br />

observ<strong>at</strong>ions from his ethnographic work in Oaxaca. For Monaghan, the “ritual” aspects<br />

<strong>of</strong> production are so ubiquitous <strong>at</strong> most levels th<strong>at</strong> they are indelible aspects <strong>of</strong> m<strong>at</strong>erial<br />

48

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