The Organization of Chipped-Stone Economies at Piedras Negras ...

chipped stone, and also the religious and ritual component that may have accompanied it,
especially in the production of eccentrics for royal consumption. Consequently, Section
2.2 outlines some definitions of world view and ideology used in anthropological and
archaeological literature and how those might be connected to craft production.
Before we depart into a discussion of the role of ideas and symbols in the
organization of production at Piedras Negras, I take issue with a few basic concepts used
in the past by McAnany (1989; 1992a; 1992b; 1995). My intention is to show how many
of the concepts she has used throughout her publication history are used differently in this
study. First, she viewed Classic Maya society as a two-class system, which is not
necessarily a demonstrated fact of ancient Maya social organization (see Chase and
Chase 1992). The concepts of elite and nonelite (i.e., the upper- and under-class) are
loosely used without providing a firm definition and archaeological corollary to illustrate
this basic distinction. I am not criticizing class analysis here, but rather am pointing out
that the elite/nonelite dichotomy is difficult to apply to all Maya centers, especially since
they vary widely in size and political organization through time and over space.
However, I do not offer a better framework for categorizing status here. Here I avoid
using the elite to nonelite distinction as much as possible, by focusing on the royal family
as a distinct social group, which contrasts with the rest of the population. I do not make
any outright assumptions about the comparative wealth or status of the residing
population. This distinction has the effect of bringing the analytical focus on the ruling
elite to the household level, and as one of many players in ancient Maya society. It also
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