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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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In these examples there appears to be no alternative to a hierarchical<br />

analysis: the pairwise method would yield the same results for all the five-vowel<br />

systems discussed above.<br />

3.3.4. Summary<br />

I have argued that Trubetzkoy, despite his many contributions to our<br />

understand<strong>in</strong>g of how contrasts work <strong>in</strong> a phonological system, did not explicitly<br />

work out a procedure for determ<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g which features of a phoneme are<br />

<strong>contrastive</strong> and which are redundant. When we try to deduce what he had <strong>in</strong><br />

m<strong>in</strong>d from the particular analyses presented <strong>in</strong> the Grundzüge, we f<strong>in</strong>d that his<br />

results sometimes appear to presuppose a procedure <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g pairwise<br />

comparisons of phonemes. We have seen that this method is not an adequate<br />

way to determ<strong>in</strong>e <strong>contrastive</strong> features. It is <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g that Trubetzkoy’s most<br />

obvious applications of this method occur early <strong>in</strong> the book when he is<br />

discuss<strong>in</strong>g oppositions <strong>in</strong> the abstract. In these cases he br<strong>in</strong>gs forward no<br />

empirical evidence that the oppositions are <strong>in</strong> fact the way he proposes. Hence, I<br />

conclude that his analyses of these cases, such as French n, are <strong>in</strong>correct.<br />

Where he wishes to account for actual phonological pattern<strong>in</strong>g, however,<br />

Trubetzkoy’s analyses usually imply a feature order<strong>in</strong>g approach to determ<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>contrastive</strong> specifications. Indeed, <strong>in</strong> h<strong>in</strong>dsight, one could see Trubetzkoy’s work<br />

underly<strong>in</strong>g representation of /u/, she proposes that it is specified for /o/ (<strong>in</strong> contrast to /a/).<br />

She proposes further that postlexical processes require the specification of additional features.<br />

92

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