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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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approach. Perhaps because of this Jakobson departed from strict m<strong>in</strong>imal pair<br />

comparisons to guide the specification of [vocality] <strong>in</strong> the vowels, which may<br />

have resulted <strong>in</strong> the apparent over- and under-specifications.<br />

4.5.2. Halle 1954: Standard Literary German<br />

Though Halle 1954 refers to the ‘dichotomous scale,’ it does not appear to<br />

consistently utilize feature order<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the one example for which detailed<br />

specifications are given, Standard Literary German, shown <strong>in</strong> (4.9). 6 Neither<br />

feature order<strong>in</strong>g nor pairwise comparisons yield exactly these specifications.<br />

(4.9) Feature specifications: Standard Literary German (Halle 1954)<br />

m p b f v pf<br />

Vocalic vs. non-vocalic – – – – – –<br />

Consonantal vs. non-cons. + + + + + +<br />

Compact vs. diffuse 0 – – – – –<br />

Grave vs. acute + + + + + +<br />

Flat vs. pla<strong>in</strong> 0 0 0 0 0 0<br />

Nasal vs. non-nasal + – – – – –<br />

Cont<strong>in</strong>uant vs. <strong>in</strong>terrupted 0 – – + + –<br />

Strident vs. mellow 0 – 0 0 0 +<br />

Tense vs. lax 0 + – + – 0<br />

6 I have replaced Halle’s fÊ by pf, and s^ by ts. Halle notes that he has not <strong>in</strong>dicated vowel length<br />

contrasts, and that the dist<strong>in</strong>ction between /e/ and /æ/ is not phonemic among short vowels.<br />

134

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