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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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other values as listed, are shown <strong>in</strong> (4.11). I have shaded the specifications that<br />

are zeros <strong>in</strong> Halle’s chart. Evidently, Halle has derived these specifications us<strong>in</strong>g<br />

m<strong>in</strong>imal pairs.<br />

(4.11) Specifications of [–compact, +grave] segments by the SBA<br />

a. strident > tense b. tense > strident<br />

b p pf b p pf<br />

strident – – + tense – + +<br />

tense – + 0 strident 0 – +<br />

However, it could not be the case that m<strong>in</strong>imal pairs were used to derive<br />

most of the specifications. For example, all the [–vocalic, +consonantal] non-nasal<br />

phonemes are specified [–nasal], though only/b/ and /d/ are dist<strong>in</strong>guished<br />

from nasals only by that feature. Thus, the chart appears to have been basically<br />

derived by feature order<strong>in</strong>g, and then perhaps some adjustments were made to<br />

the specifications. <strong>The</strong> discrepancy between the order of features <strong>in</strong> the table and<br />

the order required to derive the specifications may be due to a wish to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><br />

the general order used for other languages <strong>in</strong> tension with an order that<br />

appeared to be more appropriate for this particular language.<br />

4.6. Ordered rules and the <strong>contrastive</strong> <strong>hierarchy</strong><br />

Halle’s <strong>The</strong> sound pattern of Russian (Halle 1959) is a major work <strong>in</strong> early<br />

generative <strong>phonology</strong>. <strong>The</strong> book is <strong>in</strong> two parts: the first part presents a<br />

phonological analysis of Russian, and the second, longer, part is devoted to<br />

137

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