The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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(7.40) Pasiego metaphony does not affect /í/, /ú/, and /á/ Unmetaphonized Gloss Neutral Gloss luz m[i@]yos ‘mine (plural)’ il m[i@]yu ‘mine (singular)’ bj[u@]da ‘widow’ bj[u@]du ‘widower’ br[a@]Tos ‘arms’ br[a@]Tu ‘arm’ 7.5.1.1. Dyck’s Generalization Dyck (1995), modifying an earlier observation by Penny (1970), formulates the generalization in (7.41) about Romance metaphony (raising) triggered by desinential vowels. (7.41) Generalization about metaphony triggers (Dyck 1995) Desinential high vowels can trigger metaphony only if they contrast with a mid vowel in the same place. Note that (7.41) refers to contrasts only among the desinential vowels. In every Romance dialect high vowels contrast with mid vowels in stressed syllables; but dialects have different inventories of desinential vowels, ranging from three to five. Because the phonetics of these vowels can vary, I will henceforth represent them schematically as /I~E, A, U~O/ for three-vowel desinential inventories, /I~E, A, O, U/ for four-vowel desinential inventories with a contrast between a high and mid back/labial vowel, and so on. 310 Dyck’s Generalization makes correct predictions about which dialects may exhibit metaphony, and what the possible desinential triggers of metaphony may be in these dialects. First, we expect no raising in dialects with only three desinential vowels /I~E, A, U~O/, because there is no contrast between /I/ and
E/ or /U/ and /O/. For example, no raising is reported in Leonese dialects, where desinences are phonetically [i, a, u] or [e, a, u], depending on the dialect. In dialects with four desinential vowels /I~E, A, O, U/, the prediction is that raising can be triggered by /U/, not by /I/; in dialects with four desinential vowels /I, E, A, O~U/, we predict that raising can be triggered by /I/, not by /U/. Examples of the former type are Central Asturias, North Central Asturias, and Santander (Montañese dialects), where /u/ contrasts with /o/, but there is only a marginal, archaic contrast between /i/ and /e/. As expected, raising is triggered by [u], not by [i]. In dialects with five desinential vowels, Dyck’s generalization predicts that both /I/ and /U/ can trigger raising. No Spanish dialects are of this type, but there are Italian dialects, such as Servigliano, that have five desinential vowels and raising triggered by both [i] and [u]. 7.5.1.2. Accounting for Dyck’s Generalization In order to account for Dyck’s generalization we must make several assumptions. First, for purposes of evaluating contrasts, vowel inventories must be divided into stem inventories and desinential inventories. Contrasts in each inventory are assessed separately. Second, we must assume that features in these dialects are ordered [low] > [ labial] > [high]. If the first feature is [low], then [high] is not needed in the three-vowel system shown in (7.42a). The non-low vowels have no contrastive [high] feature to trigger raising, even if they are pronounced as [i] or [u]. In the inventory in (7.42b) the feature [high] is needed to distinguish between /U/ and 311
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The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonol
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course with Keren Rice at the Cente
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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6.7. Underspecified inputs.........
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(Chen 1972). In final open syllable
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For example, given a language in wh
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difficulty Czech speakers have in r
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four-vowel system /i, e, a, u/. Eve
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sonority (say, /a/) and one of less
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Halle (1959) against the structural
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former approach, pairwise compariso
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Chapter 7 presents a series of case
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these features. And yet, none of th
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2.2. Contrastive specification by p
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to /p/, that is, a voiceless nasal
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collaborators. Rather than make pai
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. If the set is found to consist of
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This kind of reasoning, which I wil
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edundancy, and this conflation of t
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in (2.13). /p/ is characterized as
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voiced, and the same holds for [nas
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The problem of too many features do
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(2.21) Three-vowel system, features
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[+back]. The addition of the featur
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. Specifications according to the p
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pairwise method. One might reason t
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the program generated up to 52 colu
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properly contrastive specifications
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discussion here, because they inter
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There are different kinds of binary
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(2.30) Contrastive specifications:
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algorithm that assigns feature valu
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feature ordering, for there is empi
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contrastive in a given language; th
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(3.1) Different phonetics, similar
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the wrong place in the pattern of D
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c. Consonants obstruent sonorant vo
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proposing certain contrastive relat
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The phonologically relevant marks o
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1. First, divide the inventory by t
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[T]he opposition d-n (as in French)
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that these features are contrastive
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a contrastive hierarchy, but not in
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only the fact that lips and tip of
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ts, s, z/ and /k, x, ƒ/, respectiv
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3.3.3.2. Vowel systems Polabian In
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(3.14) Triangular system with schwa
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three vertical sets, as in (3.18).
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Though the above analysis is the ty
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In these examples there appears to
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classify them according to their fu
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Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation
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o o^ O O^ a) e) o) O) ´ Vocality +
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Subtree (3.28b) depicts the contras
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Twaddell (1935)…’ 16 Second, th
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After considering the merits of eac
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3.6.2. Hockett’s approach in prac
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decisions here are not arbitrary (t
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obstruent and sonorant coming secon
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chapter). I have argued that issues
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(3.39) Diagnostics used in identify
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(3.41) Contrast and phonological ac
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and (2) contrastive features are as
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emphasis on dichotomies as a fundam
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implication’ that are ‘universa
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in the low vowels (0.11121). These
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they observe that a set of eight ph
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illustrates that the concept of the
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esult in all phonemes receiving a v
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n m n@ r l l’ i u e o a Vocality
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approach. Perhaps because of this J
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(4.10) Contrastive hierarchy: Stand
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acoustics. Halle sets out a number
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allophonic realizations of phonemes
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tS S Z k kJ g x j r rJ l lJ vocalic
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the sonorant l). The rule that chan
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and redundant features: only the fo
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Phonological theory, however, did n
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. Phonological rules i. [ ] [-g] i
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Stanley (1967: 416) considers the c
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edundant features. This argument wo
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equire a different tree in which [s
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158
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c. Consonants: velopalatal vs. labi
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arguments of Bloomfield 1933). Inst
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ules to which a purely formal evalu
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nevertheless interact with the phon
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the rule replacing [m F] as the com
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(5.4) Markedness matrices for vowel
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emains /a, i, u/. The vowels /i, u/
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d. XI [u high] [-high] / Kean prop
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capture co-occurrence restrictions
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distinguish between contrastive and
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manipulates only +/- values, not m/
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Linking crucially depends on the fe
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of underspecification theory and le
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marked on sonorants in the lexicon
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Kiparsky’s analysis thus mirrors
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constrain this process by a hierarc
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RU does not fully adopt the Contras
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minimality. This leaves us with the
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Similar results can be shown to be
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for example, the underlying vowel s
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5.3.3. Contrastive Specification St
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(5.31) Pasiego Spanish vowels: Poss
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all logical redundancies, nor does
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Hume 1995, Halle 1995), Government
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.Vocoids laryngeal [spread] [constr
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5.4.2. Terminal features and the co
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A fourth difference is that the var
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Intuitively, the two segments diffe
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epresentations beyond the needs of
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218
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6.2. Optimality Theory OT (Prince a
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convert the coda into an onset, and
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eing equal, this implies that a son
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6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent Kirc
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6.4. The contrastive hierarchy in O
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6.4.2. Inputs What should be the in
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(6.12) Contrastive hierarchy for Cl
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(6.14) Classical Manchu constraint
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epresentation because it, too, viol
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We can mimic the effect of the Pair
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limiting specifications to those th
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and the rest of the features are re
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to adopt privative features, where
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6.7. Underspecified inputs The noti
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(6.29) Implicational constraints fo
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In (6.31), these constraints are ad
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252
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(6.17) Full specification of all fe
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(6.21) Underspecification by means
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(6.24) Illicit fully specified inpu
Page 270 and 271: (6.27) Underspecified input Input:
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Page 274 and 275: value: the fact that all the alloph
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Page 288 and 289: 7.3.2. Implicit feature hierarchies
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Page 296 and 297: (7.12) Classical Manchu vowel syste
Page 298 and 299: 7.4.1.1. ATR harmony All vowels in
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Page 306 and 307: 296 c. Xibe: [low] > [coronal] > [l
Page 308 and 309: (7.24) Turkish vowel system coronal
Page 310 and 311: (7.26) ATR harmony: /Q/ alternates
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Page 316 and 317: (7.37) Role of IO-IDENT[back] (adap
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Page 344 and 345: figure in the phonology. I conclude
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Page 348 and 349: However, when /r&/ devoices it does
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Page 354 and 355: theory is indirectly sensitive to t
Page 356 and 357: Constraint (8.1a) provokes labial h
Page 358 and 359: 8.3. Dispersion-theoretic approache
Page 360 and 361: evaluation of phonetic distance app
Page 362 and 363: specified [+back]. The vowels /i/ a
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allophone of /i/, as shown in (8.13
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In the analysis sketched above what
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emerge as one of the five contrasti
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give the correct results for any ar
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vowel [ˆ] as having 100% of the co
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as noncontrastive for [back], the a
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on). Of the possible potential clas
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symmetrical. The choice of a featur
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(Broe 1993, Frisch 1996), I have gi
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(8.23) Features for Bumo Izon stops
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(8.26) Similarity measures for Hawa
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essentially the same as the one ass
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Clements argues that the robustness
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feature specifications, a major wea
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observed by Stevens, Keyser & Kawas
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there are vowels that are [+high, -
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. Features that make each other log
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[round] > [back] (8.38b). This may
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and contradicts the intuition, shar
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Thus, the lack of voiced sonorants
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uniting phonologists who do not oth
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short back (or central) low vowel i
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In a hierarchical conception of con
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406
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These two concepts have not always
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410
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Archangeli, Diana and Douglas Pulle
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Bolognesi, Roberto (1998). The phon
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Cherry, E. Colin, Morris Halle and
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Linguistics (Special Issue on Contr
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Association, 82-93. Département de
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Fikkert, Paula (1994). On the Acqui
Page 434 and 435:
Hall, Beatrice L. and R. M. R. Hall
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Heffernan, Kevin (2007). The role o
Page 438 and 439:
Itô, Junko and Armin Mester (1986)
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Kaisse, Ellen M. and Patricia A. Sh
Page 442 and 443:
Kuhl, Patricia, K. A. Williams, Fra
Page 444 and 445:
Martinet, André (1960). Éléments
Page 446 and 447:
Paradis, Carole (1988). On constrai
Page 448 and 449:
Radis&ic@, Milica (2007). Velar /g/
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Rose, Sharon (1993). Coronality and
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Steriade, Donca (1995). Underspecif
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Walker, Rachel (2001). Round licens
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