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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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morphology and the lexicon, and exhibits properties such as cyclic application,<br />

restriction to derived environments, and exceptions. Postlexical <strong>phonology</strong><br />

follows the lexical <strong>phonology</strong> and does not observe the above restrictions, hav<strong>in</strong>g<br />

rather properties one would associate with phonetic rules. 8<br />

Most important with respect to our topic, Kiparsky (1982) argued that the<br />

lexical <strong>phonology</strong> is the doma<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> which restrictions on feature specification<br />

hold. For example, Kiparsky (1985) observes that voic<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> English is dist<strong>in</strong>ctive<br />

for obstruents but not sonorants. 9 Further, sonorants do not trigger or undergo<br />

rules of voic<strong>in</strong>g or devoic<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the lexical <strong>phonology</strong> of English, though they<br />

may do so <strong>in</strong> the postlexical <strong>phonology</strong> (e.g., r may be devoiced <strong>in</strong> words like<br />

cry).<br />

Kiparsky (1985) proposes that these facts are connected. He suggests that<br />

there exists a mark<strong>in</strong>g condition <strong>in</strong> English that prohibits voic<strong>in</strong>g from be<strong>in</strong>g<br />

8 <strong>Dresher</strong> (1983) argues that Biblical Hebrew postlexical <strong>phonology</strong> (<strong>in</strong> the sense of <strong>phonology</strong><br />

that takes place <strong>in</strong> a doma<strong>in</strong> larger than the word, for example, the phonological phrase) exhibits<br />

properties more usually associated with lexical <strong>phonology</strong>. This observation does not affect the<br />

dist<strong>in</strong>ction between a phonological and phonetic component.<br />

9 <strong>The</strong> example of [voiced] be<strong>in</strong>g predictable given [sonorant] is perhaps the oldest and most<br />

common example of underspecification <strong>in</strong> the literature (cf. Stanley 1967). Nevertheless, it may<br />

not be a good example if, as has been argued, sonorants do not have the same voic<strong>in</strong>g feature as<br />

voiced obstruents (Piggott 1992, Rice 1993, Avery 1996, Boersma 1998). For purposes of this<br />

discussion, I will assume that sonorants do potentially bear a feature [voiced] that is also carried<br />

by voiced obstruents. What is crucial here is the logic of the argument, whether or not sonorant<br />

voic<strong>in</strong>g is <strong>in</strong> fact a good exemplar of it.<br />

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