The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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no surprise, therefore, to see this neutralization continue to completion in Spoken Manchu, a modern Manchu language descended from an ancestor similar to Classical Manchu. In Spoken Manchu, /u/ and /U/ have merged completely to [u], and the phoneme /U/ has been completely lost. In a contrast-driven approach to vowel systems, the loss of a contrast in one part of the system could have wider effects. In the Classical Manchu system, the contrast between /u/ and /U/ involves the feature [ATR], just like the contrast between /´/ and /a/. As long as the [ATR] contrast between /´/ and /a/ is paralleled by a similar contrast between /u/ and /U/, it cannot be mistakenly regarded as a height contrast. But with the loss of /U/, the position of [ATR] in the system becomes much more tenuous. For now the entire burden of the [ATR] contrast would fall on the contrast between /´/ and /a/. That this contrast is based on [ATR], however, is not clear; it could more straightforwardly be attributed to a difference in height. Indeed, the feature [low], which is required independently, can serve to distinguish /´/ from /a/. Therefore, without assuming that the phoneme /´/ changed phonetically, the loss of /U/ could have indirectly led to a change in the phonological status of /´/, from [low] to non-low. This reclassification, in turn, could have influenced the phonetic realizations of /´/, because in Spoken Manchu it is definitely a non- low vowel. Zhao (1989) characterizes it as a mid-high back unrounded vowel, with an allophone [F]; according to Ji et al. (1989), [´] is in free variation with a high back unrounded vowel [µ]. It is reasonable to suppose that there is a mutual influence between phonology and phonetics in such cases. The phonetic 292
properties of a vowel obviously influence its phonological representation; but this influence is not simply one way, and the phonological representation can in turn affect the phonetics, by delimiting the space within which the vowel can range (short of neutralization). The change in status of /´/ in turn has consequences for the specification of /u/. Recall that in Classical Manchu there is evidence that /i/ is actively [coronal], but there is no evidence that /u/ and /U/ are actively [labial], though they clearly are phonetically round. The elevation of /´/ to a non-low vowel, joining /i/ and /u/, changes the situation. Assuming, as before, that [coronal] takes precedence, /i/ is again specified [coronal], distinguishing it from /´/ and /u/. But now we must still distinguish the latter two vowels from each other. The most straightforward distinction is to extend the feature [labial], already in the system for /ç/, to /u/, as diagrammed in (7.19). (7.19) Spoken Manchu after loss of /U/ [coronal] [labial] i ´ u __________________________________________ a ç [low] This analysis thus predicts that the reclassification of /´/ as a non-low vowel should cause /u/ to become contrastively [labial]. This prediction is borne out in Spoken Manchu, as evidenced by the development of a new phoneme /y/, a front rounded vowel that originated as a positional allophone of /i/ followed by /u/, as well as /u/ followed by /i/ (Zhang 1996). The front feature 293
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The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonol
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course with Keren Rice at the Cente
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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6.7. Underspecified inputs.........
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(Chen 1972). In final open syllable
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For example, given a language in wh
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difficulty Czech speakers have in r
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four-vowel system /i, e, a, u/. Eve
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sonority (say, /a/) and one of less
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Halle (1959) against the structural
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former approach, pairwise compariso
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Chapter 7 presents a series of case
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these features. And yet, none of th
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2.2. Contrastive specification by p
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to /p/, that is, a voiceless nasal
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collaborators. Rather than make pai
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. If the set is found to consist of
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This kind of reasoning, which I wil
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edundancy, and this conflation of t
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in (2.13). /p/ is characterized as
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voiced, and the same holds for [nas
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The problem of too many features do
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(2.21) Three-vowel system, features
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[+back]. The addition of the featur
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. Specifications according to the p
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pairwise method. One might reason t
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the program generated up to 52 colu
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properly contrastive specifications
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discussion here, because they inter
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There are different kinds of binary
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(2.30) Contrastive specifications:
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algorithm that assigns feature valu
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feature ordering, for there is empi
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contrastive in a given language; th
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(3.1) Different phonetics, similar
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the wrong place in the pattern of D
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c. Consonants obstruent sonorant vo
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proposing certain contrastive relat
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The phonologically relevant marks o
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1. First, divide the inventory by t
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[T]he opposition d-n (as in French)
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that these features are contrastive
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a contrastive hierarchy, but not in
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only the fact that lips and tip of
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ts, s, z/ and /k, x, ƒ/, respectiv
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3.3.3.2. Vowel systems Polabian In
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(3.14) Triangular system with schwa
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three vertical sets, as in (3.18).
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Though the above analysis is the ty
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In these examples there appears to
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classify them according to their fu
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Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation
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o o^ O O^ a) e) o) O) ´ Vocality +
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Subtree (3.28b) depicts the contras
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Twaddell (1935)…’ 16 Second, th
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After considering the merits of eac
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3.6.2. Hockett’s approach in prac
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decisions here are not arbitrary (t
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obstruent and sonorant coming secon
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chapter). I have argued that issues
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(3.39) Diagnostics used in identify
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(3.41) Contrast and phonological ac
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and (2) contrastive features are as
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emphasis on dichotomies as a fundam
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implication’ that are ‘universa
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in the low vowels (0.11121). These
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they observe that a set of eight ph
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illustrates that the concept of the
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esult in all phonemes receiving a v
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n m n@ r l l’ i u e o a Vocality
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approach. Perhaps because of this J
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(4.10) Contrastive hierarchy: Stand
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acoustics. Halle sets out a number
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allophonic realizations of phonemes
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tS S Z k kJ g x j r rJ l lJ vocalic
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the sonorant l). The rule that chan
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and redundant features: only the fo
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Phonological theory, however, did n
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. Phonological rules i. [ ] [-g] i
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Stanley (1967: 416) considers the c
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edundant features. This argument wo
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equire a different tree in which [s
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158
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c. Consonants: velopalatal vs. labi
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arguments of Bloomfield 1933). Inst
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ules to which a purely formal evalu
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nevertheless interact with the phon
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the rule replacing [m F] as the com
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(5.4) Markedness matrices for vowel
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emains /a, i, u/. The vowels /i, u/
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d. XI [u high] [-high] / Kean prop
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capture co-occurrence restrictions
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distinguish between contrastive and
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manipulates only +/- values, not m/
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Linking crucially depends on the fe
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of underspecification theory and le
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marked on sonorants in the lexicon
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Kiparsky’s analysis thus mirrors
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constrain this process by a hierarc
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RU does not fully adopt the Contras
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minimality. This leaves us with the
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Similar results can be shown to be
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for example, the underlying vowel s
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5.3.3. Contrastive Specification St
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(5.31) Pasiego Spanish vowels: Poss
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all logical redundancies, nor does
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Hume 1995, Halle 1995), Government
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.Vocoids laryngeal [spread] [constr
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5.4.2. Terminal features and the co
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A fourth difference is that the var
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Intuitively, the two segments diffe
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epresentations beyond the needs of
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218
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6.2. Optimality Theory OT (Prince a
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convert the coda into an onset, and
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eing equal, this implies that a son
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6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent Kirc
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6.4. The contrastive hierarchy in O
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6.4.2. Inputs What should be the in
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(6.12) Contrastive hierarchy for Cl
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(6.14) Classical Manchu constraint
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epresentation because it, too, viol
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We can mimic the effect of the Pair
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limiting specifications to those th
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Page 256 and 257: 6.7. Underspecified inputs The noti
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Page 260 and 261: In (6.31), these constraints are ad
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Page 264 and 265: (6.17) Full specification of all fe
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Page 274 and 275: value: the fact that all the alloph
Page 276 and 277: 7.2.1. Contrast and markedness MCS
Page 278 and 279: (7.2) Contrastive features for dial
Page 280 and 281: analysis is ‘abstract’ with res
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Page 284 and 285: feature [high], the contrastively [
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Page 288 and 289: 7.3.2. Implicit feature hierarchies
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Page 296 and 297: (7.12) Classical Manchu vowel syste
Page 298 and 299: 7.4.1.1. ATR harmony All vowels in
Page 300 and 301: (7.17) Stems with only /i/: Suffixe
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Page 306 and 307: 296 c. Xibe: [low] > [coronal] > [l
Page 308 and 309: (7.24) Turkish vowel system coronal
Page 310 and 311: (7.26) ATR harmony: /Q/ alternates
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Page 316 and 317: (7.37) Role of IO-IDENT[back] (adap
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Page 320 and 321: (7.40) Pasiego metaphony does not a
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Page 328 and 329: (7.47) Bumo Izon labial and alveola
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Page 336 and 337: obstruent, not /k/: /h/ is not sono
Page 338 and 339: While the contrastive hierarchy has
Page 340 and 341: fundamental perceptual-cognitive bu
Page 342 and 343: their perceptual system to the cont
Page 344 and 345: figure in the phonology. I conclude
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Page 348 and 349: However, when /r&/ devoices it does
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342
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theory is indirectly sensitive to t
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Constraint (8.1a) provokes labial h
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8.3. Dispersion-theoretic approache
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evaluation of phonetic distance app
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specified [+back]. The vowels /i/ a
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change, traditionally known as the
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primarily signalled by the second v
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fronting. To implement this idea fo
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allophone of /i/, as shown in (8.13
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In the analysis sketched above what
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emerge as one of the five contrasti
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give the correct results for any ar
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vowel [ˆ] as having 100% of the co
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as noncontrastive for [back], the a
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on). Of the possible potential clas
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symmetrical. The choice of a featur
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(Broe 1993, Frisch 1996), I have gi
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(8.23) Features for Bumo Izon stops
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(8.26) Similarity measures for Hawa
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essentially the same as the one ass
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Clements argues that the robustness
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feature specifications, a major wea
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observed by Stevens, Keyser & Kawas
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there are vowels that are [+high, -
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. Features that make each other log
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[round] > [back] (8.38b). This may
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and contradicts the intuition, shar
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Thus, the lack of voiced sonorants
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uniting phonologists who do not oth
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short back (or central) low vowel i
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In a hierarchical conception of con
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406
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These two concepts have not always
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410
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Archangeli, Diana and Douglas Pulle
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Bolognesi, Roberto (1998). The phon
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Cherry, E. Colin, Morris Halle and
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Linguistics (Special Issue on Contr
Page 430 and 431:
Association, 82-93. Département de
Page 432 and 433:
Fikkert, Paula (1994). On the Acqui
Page 434 and 435:
Hall, Beatrice L. and R. M. R. Hall
Page 436 and 437:
Heffernan, Kevin (2007). The role o
Page 438 and 439:
Itô, Junko and Armin Mester (1986)
Page 440 and 441:
Kaisse, Ellen M. and Patricia A. Sh
Page 442 and 443:
Kuhl, Patricia, K. A. Williams, Fra
Page 444 and 445:
Martinet, André (1960). Éléments
Page 446 and 447:
Paradis, Carole (1988). On constrai
Page 448 and 449:
Radis&ic@, Milica (2007). Velar /g/
Page 450 and 451:
Rose, Sharon (1993). Coronality and
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Steriade, Donca (1995). Underspecif
Page 454 and 455:
Walker, Rachel (2001). Round licens
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