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Twaddell (1935)…’ 16 Second, the narrower differences in point of articulation are ‘minute’ and ‘hardly recognizable’ by themselves. Third, they find that the distinctions between /s ~ /f/ and /t/ ~ /p/ involve the same contrast, as do /k/ ~ /t/ and /S/ ~ /s/. 17 3.6. Hockett: French contrasts and the ’odor of pure game-playing’ C. F. Hockett’s A Manual of Phonology (1955) is an outstanding example of late Bloomfieldian American structuralism. This theory is characterized by an unyielding empiricism with respect to both science and psychology. In terms of science, Hockett (1955: 2) writes at the outset, ‘It would be well to state explicitly that our view will be empiric: I accept Bloomfield’s assertion that “the only useful generalizations about language are inductive generalizations”’. With respect to psychology, Hockett inherited Bloomfield’s extreme antimentalism that rules out any role for the mind in a scientific description. Together, this scientific empiricism and psychological behaviourism keep any theorizing about the grammar confined to rather narrow limits. 16 This calculation assumes the worst case, that the narrower points of articulation are not generated by binary features along the lines used in their own solution. 17 Note that whereas Jakobson and Lotz’s (1949) arguments primarily involve phonological patterning and phonological activity, Jakobson and Halle (1956) focus less on activity and more on arguments of economy, part of a shift in emphasis from phonological activity to economy that will be discussed in the next chapter. 102
3.6.1. Hockett’s approach in principle A good example of this theoretical stance is its application to the familiar problem of the French obstruent inventory. Hockett observes (1955: 173) that it is possible to regard each consonant phoneme as ‘a bundle of three coequal ultimate constituents: a voicing-term (voiceless or voiced), an occlusion term (stop or spirant), and one of three positions (say front, central, and back).’ This is essentially the analysis of Jakobson and Lotz (1949), shown in (3.30a). Hockett also considers the analysis of Trubetzkoy and Martinet, shown in (3.30b). (3.30) Two decompositions of French obstruents (Hockett 1955: 173) a. Major places only, stop vs. spirant, voiceless vs. voiced ‘stop’ ‘spirant’ ‘front’ ‘central’ ‘back’ ‘voiceless’ p t S ‘voiced’ b d Z ‘voiceless’ f s k ‘voiced’ v z g b. Major and minor places, voiceless vs. voiced ‘bilabial’ ‘labiodental’ ‘apico-dental’ ‘apico-dent. rill’ ‘laminoalveolar’ ‘voiceless’ p f t s S k ‘voiced’ b v d z Z g ‘dorso-velar’ 103
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The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonol
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course with Keren Rice at the Cente
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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6.7. Underspecified inputs.........
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(Chen 1972). In final open syllable
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For example, given a language in wh
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difficulty Czech speakers have in r
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four-vowel system /i, e, a, u/. Eve
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sonority (say, /a/) and one of less
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Halle (1959) against the structural
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former approach, pairwise compariso
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Chapter 7 presents a series of case
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these features. And yet, none of th
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2.2. Contrastive specification by p
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to /p/, that is, a voiceless nasal
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collaborators. Rather than make pai
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. If the set is found to consist of
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This kind of reasoning, which I wil
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edundancy, and this conflation of t
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in (2.13). /p/ is characterized as
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voiced, and the same holds for [nas
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The problem of too many features do
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(2.21) Three-vowel system, features
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[+back]. The addition of the featur
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. Specifications according to the p
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pairwise method. One might reason t
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the program generated up to 52 colu
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properly contrastive specifications
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discussion here, because they inter
Page 62 and 63: There are different kinds of binary
Page 64 and 65: (2.30) Contrastive specifications:
Page 66 and 67: algorithm that assigns feature valu
Page 68 and 69: feature ordering, for there is empi
Page 70 and 71: contrastive in a given language; th
Page 72 and 73: (3.1) Different phonetics, similar
Page 74 and 75: the wrong place in the pattern of D
Page 76 and 77: c. Consonants obstruent sonorant vo
Page 78 and 79: proposing certain contrastive relat
Page 80 and 81: The phonologically relevant marks o
Page 82 and 83: 1. First, divide the inventory by t
Page 84 and 85: [T]he opposition d-n (as in French)
Page 86 and 87: that these features are contrastive
Page 88 and 89: a contrastive hierarchy, but not in
Page 90 and 91: only the fact that lips and tip of
Page 92 and 93: ts, s, z/ and /k, x, ƒ/, respectiv
Page 94 and 95: 3.3.3.2. Vowel systems Polabian In
Page 96 and 97: (3.14) Triangular system with schwa
Page 98 and 99: three vertical sets, as in (3.18).
Page 100 and 101: Though the above analysis is the ty
Page 102 and 103: In these examples there appears to
Page 104 and 105: classify them according to their fu
Page 106 and 107: Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation
Page 108 and 109: o o^ O O^ a) e) o) O) ´ Vocality +
Page 110 and 111: Subtree (3.28b) depicts the contras
Page 114 and 115: After considering the merits of eac
Page 116 and 117: 3.6.2. Hockett’s approach in prac
Page 118 and 119: decisions here are not arbitrary (t
Page 120 and 121: obstruent and sonorant coming secon
Page 122 and 123: chapter). I have argued that issues
Page 124 and 125: (3.39) Diagnostics used in identify
Page 126 and 127: (3.41) Contrast and phonological ac
Page 128 and 129: and (2) contrastive features are as
Page 130 and 131: emphasis on dichotomies as a fundam
Page 132 and 133: implication’ that are ‘universa
Page 134 and 135: in the low vowels (0.11121). These
Page 136 and 137: they observe that a set of eight ph
Page 138 and 139: illustrates that the concept of the
Page 140 and 141: esult in all phonemes receiving a v
Page 142 and 143: n m n@ r l l’ i u e o a Vocality
Page 144 and 145: approach. Perhaps because of this J
Page 146 and 147: (4.10) Contrastive hierarchy: Stand
Page 148 and 149: acoustics. Halle sets out a number
Page 150 and 151: allophonic realizations of phonemes
Page 152 and 153: tS S Z k kJ g x j r rJ l lJ vocalic
Page 154 and 155: the sonorant l). The rule that chan
Page 156 and 157: and redundant features: only the fo
Page 158 and 159: Phonological theory, however, did n
Page 160 and 161: . Phonological rules i. [ ] [-g] i
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Stanley (1967: 416) considers the c
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edundant features. This argument wo
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equire a different tree in which [s
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158
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c. Consonants: velopalatal vs. labi
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arguments of Bloomfield 1933). Inst
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ules to which a purely formal evalu
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nevertheless interact with the phon
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the rule replacing [m F] as the com
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(5.4) Markedness matrices for vowel
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emains /a, i, u/. The vowels /i, u/
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d. XI [u high] [-high] / Kean prop
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capture co-occurrence restrictions
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distinguish between contrastive and
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manipulates only +/- values, not m/
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Linking crucially depends on the fe
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of underspecification theory and le
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marked on sonorants in the lexicon
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Kiparsky’s analysis thus mirrors
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constrain this process by a hierarc
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RU does not fully adopt the Contras
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minimality. This leaves us with the
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Similar results can be shown to be
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for example, the underlying vowel s
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5.3.3. Contrastive Specification St
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(5.31) Pasiego Spanish vowels: Poss
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all logical redundancies, nor does
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Hume 1995, Halle 1995), Government
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.Vocoids laryngeal [spread] [constr
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5.4.2. Terminal features and the co
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A fourth difference is that the var
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Intuitively, the two segments diffe
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epresentations beyond the needs of
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218
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6.2. Optimality Theory OT (Prince a
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convert the coda into an onset, and
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eing equal, this implies that a son
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6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent Kirc
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6.4. The contrastive hierarchy in O
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6.4.2. Inputs What should be the in
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(6.12) Contrastive hierarchy for Cl
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(6.14) Classical Manchu constraint
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epresentation because it, too, viol
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We can mimic the effect of the Pair
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limiting specifications to those th
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and the rest of the features are re
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to adopt privative features, where
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6.7. Underspecified inputs The noti
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(6.29) Implicational constraints fo
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In (6.31), these constraints are ad
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252
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(6.17) Full specification of all fe
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(6.21) Underspecification by means
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(6.24) Illicit fully specified inpu
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(6.27) Underspecified input Input:
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262
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value: the fact that all the alloph
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7.2.1. Contrast and markedness MCS
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(7.2) Contrastive features for dial
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analysis is ‘abstract’ with res
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universal; we will see in §7.4 tha
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feature [high], the contrastively [
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phonological analysis. This should
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7.3.2. Implicit feature hierarchies
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elations among features. This is no
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dialects with similar-looking inven
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this burden exists independently of
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(7.12) Classical Manchu vowel syste
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7.4.1.1. ATR harmony All vowels in
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(7.17) Stems with only /i/: Suffixe
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no surprise, therefore, to see this
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[coronal] is contributed by /i/, bu
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296 c. Xibe: [low] > [coronal] > [l
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(7.24) Turkish vowel system coronal
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(7.26) ATR harmony: /Q/ alternates
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ordered before one based on place (
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hierarchy we arrived at earlier; in
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(7.37) Role of IO-IDENT[back] (adap
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contrastive features to the stem-fi
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(7.40) Pasiego metaphony does not a
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O/, but its scope is limited to the
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one step further, arguing that the
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spreading [high] to a mid vowel uns
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(7.47) Bumo Izon labial and alveola
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and, in the framework of generative
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French contrastive feature hierarch
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(7.54) NZ Ma#ori adaptation of Engl
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obstruent, not /k/: /h/ is not sono
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While the contrastive hierarchy has
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fundamental perceptual-cognitive bu
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their perceptual system to the cont
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figure in the phonology. I conclude
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the postlexical or phonetic compone
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However, when /r&/ devoices it does
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340
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342
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theory is indirectly sensitive to t
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Constraint (8.1a) provokes labial h
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8.3. Dispersion-theoretic approache
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evaluation of phonetic distance app
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specified [+back]. The vowels /i/ a
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change, traditionally known as the
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primarily signalled by the second v
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fronting. To implement this idea fo
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allophone of /i/, as shown in (8.13
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In the analysis sketched above what
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emerge as one of the five contrasti
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give the correct results for any ar
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vowel [ˆ] as having 100% of the co
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as noncontrastive for [back], the a
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on). Of the possible potential clas
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symmetrical. The choice of a featur
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(Broe 1993, Frisch 1996), I have gi
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(8.23) Features for Bumo Izon stops
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(8.26) Similarity measures for Hawa
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essentially the same as the one ass
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Clements argues that the robustness
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feature specifications, a major wea
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observed by Stevens, Keyser & Kawas
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there are vowels that are [+high, -
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. Features that make each other log
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[round] > [back] (8.38b). This may
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and contradicts the intuition, shar
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Thus, the lack of voiced sonorants
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uniting phonologists who do not oth
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short back (or central) low vowel i
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In a hierarchical conception of con
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406
Page 418 and 419:
These two concepts have not always
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410
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Archangeli, Diana and Douglas Pulle
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Bolognesi, Roberto (1998). The phon
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Cherry, E. Colin, Morris Halle and
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Linguistics (Special Issue on Contr
Page 430 and 431:
Association, 82-93. Département de
Page 432 and 433:
Fikkert, Paula (1994). On the Acqui
Page 434 and 435:
Hall, Beatrice L. and R. M. R. Hall
Page 436 and 437:
Heffernan, Kevin (2007). The role o
Page 438 and 439:
Itô, Junko and Armin Mester (1986)
Page 440 and 441:
Kaisse, Ellen M. and Patricia A. Sh
Page 442 and 443:
Kuhl, Patricia, K. A. Williams, Fra
Page 444 and 445:
Martinet, André (1960). Éléments
Page 446 and 447:
Paradis, Carole (1988). On constrai
Page 448 and 449:
Radis&ic@, Milica (2007). Velar /g/
Page 450 and 451:
Rose, Sharon (1993). Coronality and
Page 452 and 453:
Steriade, Donca (1995). Underspecif
Page 454 and 455:
Walker, Rachel (2001). Round licens
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