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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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8. Other approaches to contrast <strong>in</strong> <strong>phonology</strong><br />

8.1. Introduction<br />

In this chapter I will consider some other approaches to phonological contrast<br />

that have been advanced <strong>in</strong> the recent phonological literature. I will start with<br />

theories that are conceptually quite different from the approach I have been<br />

tak<strong>in</strong>g and then consider those that have more <strong>in</strong> common with it.<br />

In §8.2 I consider an alternative explanation of the typology of labial<br />

harmony triggers reviewed <strong>in</strong> §7.4.3. <strong>The</strong>re, I argued that the observed relation<br />

between harmony triggers and <strong>in</strong>ventories supports the Contrastivist<br />

Hypothesis. Kaun (1995) advances what appears to be a very different<br />

explanation, grounded <strong>in</strong> perceptual-functional phonetic constra<strong>in</strong>ts. I will argue<br />

that her account is not, <strong>in</strong> fact, a real alternative to the explanation I proposed <strong>in</strong><br />

chapter 7.<br />

Dispersion <strong>The</strong>ory is concerned with contrast at a perceptual phonetic<br />

level, and <strong>in</strong> §8.3 I review a dispersion-theoretic account of a phonological<br />

change <strong>in</strong> the history of Russian proposed by Padgett (2003a). I will argue that<br />

this version of Dispersion <strong>The</strong>ory is enmeshed <strong>in</strong> descriptive and explanatory<br />

complications that may be difficult to solve. I will present a MCS-style alternative<br />

solution that is conceptually much simpler.<br />

Section 8.4 looks at Structured Specification, or natural classes, theory<br />

(Broe 1993, Frisch 1996, Frisch, Pierrehumbert and Broe 2004). Rather than<br />

designate features as be<strong>in</strong>g ‘<strong>contrastive</strong>’ or ‘redundant’, as the SDA does, this<br />

343

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