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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent<br />

Kirchner (1997: 84) diagrams a standard representational model of <strong>contrastive</strong><br />

specification as <strong>in</strong> (6.9). 2<br />

(6.9) Representational <strong>contrastive</strong> specification (Kirchner 1997: 84)<br />

Underly<strong>in</strong>g representation (ideally) pure representation of<br />

Phonological component<br />

Phonetic component<br />

contrast<br />

non-<strong>contrastive</strong> properties may be<br />

filled <strong>in</strong>, particularly if <strong>contrastive</strong> <strong>in</strong><br />

other languages<br />

rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g non-<strong>contrastive</strong> phonetic<br />

properties, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g gradient values,<br />

filled <strong>in</strong><br />

Phonetic representation representation of all speaker-controlled<br />

phonetic properties of the utterance<br />

Kirchner (1997: 83–84) cites Steriade (1995) as observ<strong>in</strong>g that ‘the<br />

assumptions of this model have often been disregarded <strong>in</strong> practice’ because<br />

phonologists have not been consistent <strong>in</strong> which redundant features they choose<br />

to remove. We have already discussed this objection to underspecification theory<br />

2 This model is weaker than the Contrastivist Hypothesis, <strong>in</strong> that it allows some non<strong>contrastive</strong><br />

features to be added <strong>in</strong> the phonological component; it rema<strong>in</strong>s an empirical question whether<br />

the hypothesis has to be weakened to allow someth<strong>in</strong>g like (6.9), a question I consider further <strong>in</strong><br />

§7.9.<br />

226

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