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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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and /e/ might be at the same height phonetically, though function<strong>in</strong>g<br />

phonemically at different heights, whereas /i, o/ and /e, a/ show the reverse. If<br />

it were not so, we would have to diagram the vowel system as <strong>in</strong> (3.33).<br />

(3.33) A different four-vowel system<br />

i<br />

e o<br />

a<br />

Thus, the schematization <strong>in</strong> (3.32) does not ‘hug the phonetic ground’ as<br />

closely as it might; on the contrary, it appears to be specifically chosen to show<br />

how the <strong>contrastive</strong> structure of a vowel system can differ from its surface<br />

phonetic appearance.<br />

Hockett (1955: 84) admits that <strong>in</strong> his survey he may have made some<br />

‘arbitrary’ decisions. Thus, he observes that he has assigned three vowel heights<br />

rather than two to systems like /i, y, u, e, a, o/ and /i, ˆ, u, e, a, o/ (3.34),<br />

because ‘the /a/ <strong>in</strong> any such case is typically lower than the /e o/.’<br />

(3.34) Six-vowel systems: three heights<br />

a. Sixth vowel /y/ b. Sixth vowel /ˆ/<br />

i y u i ˆ u<br />

e o e o<br />

a a<br />

He goes on, ‘Yet such a m<strong>in</strong>or difference <strong>in</strong> height is not always decisive’ as for<br />

107<br />

example <strong>in</strong> Fox. Though Hockett would no doubt deny it, it appears clear that his

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