The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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Walker, Rachel (2001). Round licensing, harmony, and bisyllabic triggers in Altaic. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 19: 827–878. Walker, Rachel (2005). Weak triggers in vowel harmony. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 23: 917–989. Weiss, Daniel J. and Jessica Maye (in press). The role of contrast in the acquisition of phonetic system. In Avery, Dresher and Rice, 219–229. Werker, Janet F., Christopher T. Fennell, Kathleen M. Corcoran and Christine L. Stager (2002). Age and vocabulary size influences on the phonological representation of newly learned words in infants aged 14 to 20 months. Infancy 3: 1–30. Werker, Janet F., John H. V. Gilbert, Keith Humphrey and Richard C. Tees (1981). Developmental aspects of cross-language speech perception. Child Development 52: 349–355. Werker, Janet F. and Richard C. Tees (1984). Cross-language speech perception: Evidence for perceptual reorganization during the first year of life. Infant Behavior and Development 7: 49–63. Wheeler, Max W. (2005). The phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Williamson, Kay (1965). A grammar of the Kolokuma dialect of Ijo (West African Language Monographs 2). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wu, Yuwen (1994). Mandarin segmental phonology. Doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto. 444
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The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonol
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course with Keren Rice at the Cente
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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6.7. Underspecified inputs.........
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(Chen 1972). In final open syllable
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For example, given a language in wh
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difficulty Czech speakers have in r
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four-vowel system /i, e, a, u/. Eve
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sonority (say, /a/) and one of less
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Halle (1959) against the structural
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former approach, pairwise compariso
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Chapter 7 presents a series of case
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these features. And yet, none of th
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2.2. Contrastive specification by p
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to /p/, that is, a voiceless nasal
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collaborators. Rather than make pai
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. If the set is found to consist of
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This kind of reasoning, which I wil
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edundancy, and this conflation of t
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in (2.13). /p/ is characterized as
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voiced, and the same holds for [nas
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The problem of too many features do
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(2.21) Three-vowel system, features
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[+back]. The addition of the featur
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. Specifications according to the p
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pairwise method. One might reason t
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the program generated up to 52 colu
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properly contrastive specifications
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discussion here, because they inter
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There are different kinds of binary
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(2.30) Contrastive specifications:
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algorithm that assigns feature valu
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feature ordering, for there is empi
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contrastive in a given language; th
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(3.1) Different phonetics, similar
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the wrong place in the pattern of D
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c. Consonants obstruent sonorant vo
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proposing certain contrastive relat
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The phonologically relevant marks o
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1. First, divide the inventory by t
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[T]he opposition d-n (as in French)
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that these features are contrastive
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a contrastive hierarchy, but not in
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only the fact that lips and tip of
Page 92 and 93:
ts, s, z/ and /k, x, ƒ/, respectiv
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3.3.3.2. Vowel systems Polabian In
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(3.14) Triangular system with schwa
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three vertical sets, as in (3.18).
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Though the above analysis is the ty
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In these examples there appears to
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classify them according to their fu
Page 106 and 107:
Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation
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o o^ O O^ a) e) o) O) ´ Vocality +
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Subtree (3.28b) depicts the contras
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Twaddell (1935)…’ 16 Second, th
Page 114 and 115:
After considering the merits of eac
Page 116 and 117:
3.6.2. Hockett’s approach in prac
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decisions here are not arbitrary (t
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obstruent and sonorant coming secon
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chapter). I have argued that issues
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(3.39) Diagnostics used in identify
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(3.41) Contrast and phonological ac
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and (2) contrastive features are as
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emphasis on dichotomies as a fundam
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implication’ that are ‘universa
Page 134 and 135:
in the low vowels (0.11121). These
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they observe that a set of eight ph
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illustrates that the concept of the
Page 140 and 141:
esult in all phonemes receiving a v
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n m n@ r l l’ i u e o a Vocality
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approach. Perhaps because of this J
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(4.10) Contrastive hierarchy: Stand
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acoustics. Halle sets out a number
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allophonic realizations of phonemes
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tS S Z k kJ g x j r rJ l lJ vocalic
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the sonorant l). The rule that chan
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and redundant features: only the fo
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Phonological theory, however, did n
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. Phonological rules i. [ ] [-g] i
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Stanley (1967: 416) considers the c
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edundant features. This argument wo
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equire a different tree in which [s
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158
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c. Consonants: velopalatal vs. labi
Page 172 and 173:
arguments of Bloomfield 1933). Inst
Page 174 and 175:
ules to which a purely formal evalu
Page 176 and 177:
nevertheless interact with the phon
Page 178 and 179:
the rule replacing [m F] as the com
Page 180 and 181:
(5.4) Markedness matrices for vowel
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emains /a, i, u/. The vowels /i, u/
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d. XI [u high] [-high] / Kean prop
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capture co-occurrence restrictions
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distinguish between contrastive and
Page 190 and 191:
manipulates only +/- values, not m/
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Linking crucially depends on the fe
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of underspecification theory and le
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marked on sonorants in the lexicon
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Kiparsky’s analysis thus mirrors
Page 200 and 201:
constrain this process by a hierarc
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RU does not fully adopt the Contras
Page 204 and 205:
minimality. This leaves us with the
Page 206 and 207:
Similar results can be shown to be
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for example, the underlying vowel s
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5.3.3. Contrastive Specification St
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(5.31) Pasiego Spanish vowels: Poss
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all logical redundancies, nor does
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Hume 1995, Halle 1995), Government
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.Vocoids laryngeal [spread] [constr
Page 220 and 221:
5.4.2. Terminal features and the co
Page 222 and 223:
A fourth difference is that the var
Page 224 and 225:
Intuitively, the two segments diffe
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epresentations beyond the needs of
Page 228 and 229:
218
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6.2. Optimality Theory OT (Prince a
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convert the coda into an onset, and
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eing equal, this implies that a son
Page 236 and 237:
6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent Kirc
Page 238 and 239:
6.4. The contrastive hierarchy in O
Page 240 and 241:
6.4.2. Inputs What should be the in
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(6.12) Contrastive hierarchy for Cl
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(6.14) Classical Manchu constraint
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epresentation because it, too, viol
Page 248 and 249:
We can mimic the effect of the Pair
Page 250 and 251:
limiting specifications to those th
Page 252 and 253:
and the rest of the features are re
Page 254 and 255:
to adopt privative features, where
Page 256 and 257:
6.7. Underspecified inputs The noti
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(6.29) Implicational constraints fo
Page 260 and 261:
In (6.31), these constraints are ad
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252
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(6.17) Full specification of all fe
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(6.21) Underspecification by means
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(6.24) Illicit fully specified inpu
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(6.27) Underspecified input Input:
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262
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value: the fact that all the alloph
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7.2.1. Contrast and markedness MCS
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(7.2) Contrastive features for dial
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analysis is ‘abstract’ with res
Page 282 and 283:
universal; we will see in §7.4 tha
Page 284 and 285:
feature [high], the contrastively [
Page 286 and 287:
phonological analysis. This should
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7.3.2. Implicit feature hierarchies
Page 290 and 291:
elations among features. This is no
Page 292 and 293:
dialects with similar-looking inven
Page 294 and 295:
this burden exists independently of
Page 296 and 297:
(7.12) Classical Manchu vowel syste
Page 298 and 299:
7.4.1.1. ATR harmony All vowels in
Page 300 and 301:
(7.17) Stems with only /i/: Suffixe
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no surprise, therefore, to see this
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[coronal] is contributed by /i/, bu
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296 c. Xibe: [low] > [coronal] > [l
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(7.24) Turkish vowel system coronal
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(7.26) ATR harmony: /Q/ alternates
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ordered before one based on place (
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hierarchy we arrived at earlier; in
Page 316 and 317:
(7.37) Role of IO-IDENT[back] (adap
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contrastive features to the stem-fi
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(7.40) Pasiego metaphony does not a
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O/, but its scope is limited to the
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one step further, arguing that the
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spreading [high] to a mid vowel uns
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(7.47) Bumo Izon labial and alveola
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and, in the framework of generative
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French contrastive feature hierarch
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(7.54) NZ Ma#ori adaptation of Engl
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obstruent, not /k/: /h/ is not sono
Page 338 and 339:
While the contrastive hierarchy has
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fundamental perceptual-cognitive bu
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their perceptual system to the cont
Page 344 and 345:
figure in the phonology. I conclude
Page 346 and 347:
the postlexical or phonetic compone
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However, when /r&/ devoices it does
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340
Page 352 and 353:
342
Page 354 and 355:
theory is indirectly sensitive to t
Page 356 and 357:
Constraint (8.1a) provokes labial h
Page 358 and 359:
8.3. Dispersion-theoretic approache
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evaluation of phonetic distance app
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specified [+back]. The vowels /i/ a
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change, traditionally known as the
Page 366 and 367:
primarily signalled by the second v
Page 368 and 369:
fronting. To implement this idea fo
Page 370 and 371:
allophone of /i/, as shown in (8.13
Page 372 and 373:
In the analysis sketched above what
Page 374 and 375:
emerge as one of the five contrasti
Page 376 and 377:
give the correct results for any ar
Page 378 and 379:
vowel [ˆ] as having 100% of the co
Page 380 and 381:
as noncontrastive for [back], the a
Page 382 and 383:
on). Of the possible potential clas
Page 384 and 385:
symmetrical. The choice of a featur
Page 386 and 387:
(Broe 1993, Frisch 1996), I have gi
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(8.23) Features for Bumo Izon stops
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(8.26) Similarity measures for Hawa
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essentially the same as the one ass
Page 394 and 395:
Clements argues that the robustness
Page 396 and 397:
feature specifications, a major wea
Page 398 and 399:
observed by Stevens, Keyser & Kawas
Page 400 and 401:
there are vowels that are [+high, -
Page 402 and 403:
. Features that make each other log
Page 404 and 405: [round] > [back] (8.38b). This may
Page 406 and 407: and contradicts the intuition, shar
Page 408 and 409: Thus, the lack of voiced sonorants
Page 410 and 411: uniting phonologists who do not oth
Page 412 and 413: short back (or central) low vowel i
Page 414 and 415: In a hierarchical conception of con
Page 416 and 417: 406
Page 418 and 419: These two concepts have not always
Page 420 and 421: 410
Page 422 and 423: Archangeli, Diana and Douglas Pulle
Page 424 and 425: Bolognesi, Roberto (1998). The phon
Page 426 and 427: Cherry, E. Colin, Morris Halle and
Page 428 and 429: Linguistics (Special Issue on Contr
Page 430 and 431: Association, 82-93. Département de
Page 432 and 433: Fikkert, Paula (1994). On the Acqui
Page 434 and 435: Hall, Beatrice L. and R. M. R. Hall
Page 436 and 437: Heffernan, Kevin (2007). The role o
Page 438 and 439: Itô, Junko and Armin Mester (1986)
Page 440 and 441: Kaisse, Ellen M. and Patricia A. Sh
Page 442 and 443: Kuhl, Patricia, K. A. Williams, Fra
Page 444 and 445: Martinet, André (1960). Éléments
Page 446 and 447: Paradis, Carole (1988). On constrai
Page 448 and 449: Radis&ic@, Milica (2007). Velar /g/
Page 450 and 451: Rose, Sharon (1993). Coronality and
Page 452 and 453: Steriade, Donca (1995). Underspecif
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