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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation <strong>in</strong> place of /r/ <strong>in</strong>dicates that [uvular] should not<br />

be the def<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g characteristic of the phoneme.<br />

Though he does not refer to Trubetzkoy’s discussion of French<br />

consonants, Mart<strong>in</strong>et is clearly follow<strong>in</strong>g Trubetzkoy <strong>in</strong> dist<strong>in</strong>guish<strong>in</strong>g stops and<br />

fricatives by place of articulation rather than by occlusion. Thus, occlusion is<br />

redundant <strong>in</strong> Mart<strong>in</strong>et’s analysis, though he gives no argument for choos<strong>in</strong>g this<br />

approach over one that makes it the relevant contrast, an alternative he does not<br />

consider.<br />

Mart<strong>in</strong>et (1964: 65) represents some of these features and phonemes <strong>in</strong><br />

tabular form, shown <strong>in</strong> (3.26).<br />

(3.26) French consonants (Mart<strong>in</strong>et 1964)<br />

‘bilabial’<br />

‘labiodental’<br />

‘apical’<br />

‘hiss’<br />

‘hush’<br />

‘palatal'<br />

‘voiceless’ p f t s S k<br />

‘voiced’ b v d z Z g<br />

‘nasal’ m n ¯<br />

3.5. Jakobson and Lotz (1949): French contrasts based on cont<strong>in</strong>uousness<br />

A paper on the Standard French phonemic pattern by Jakobson and Lotz was<br />

published <strong>in</strong> a volume <strong>in</strong> honour of Henri Muller. <strong>The</strong> phonemes of Standard<br />

French are analyzed <strong>in</strong>to six features. Phonemes are assigned one of the<br />

follow<strong>in</strong>g values for each feature: +, if a phoneme has the feature <strong>contrastive</strong>ly; –,<br />

j<br />

‘dorso-velar’<br />

96

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