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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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this book, it is preferable to relax the strong Contrastivist Hypothesis <strong>in</strong> less<br />

drastic ways first, if necessary, for example as proposed <strong>in</strong> §7.9.<br />

Like MCS, Clements (2001) assumes that <strong>contrastive</strong> specifications at the<br />

lexical level are <strong>in</strong>troduced by means of a feature <strong>hierarchy</strong>, called an accessibility<br />

<strong>hierarchy</strong> <strong>in</strong> Clements 2001; it is slightly revised and called a robustness scale <strong>in</strong><br />

Clements 2004. This scale is presented <strong>in</strong> (8.30).<br />

(8.30) Robustness Scale for consonant features (Clements 2004: 31)<br />

a. [±sonorant]<br />

[labial]<br />

[coronal]<br />

[dorsal]<br />

b. [±cont<strong>in</strong>uant]<br />

[±posterior]<br />

c. [±voiced]<br />

[±nasal]<br />

d. [glottal]<br />

e. others<br />

Unlike the assumption pursued here that the <strong>contrastive</strong> <strong>hierarchy</strong> may<br />

vary cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistically, Clements assumes that the robustness scale is universal.<br />

<strong>The</strong> empirical import of this claim is substantially weakened by condition (b) <strong>in</strong><br />

(8.29) , however: s<strong>in</strong>ce phonological activity is not evidence bear<strong>in</strong>g on which<br />

features are <strong>contrastive</strong>, it is difficult to prove or disprove any proposed set of<br />

<strong>contrastive</strong> features for a particular language.<br />

383

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