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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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[PUT (4.3) ABOUT HERE (see end of chapter)]<br />

Language acquisition will be discussed further <strong>in</strong> §7.8. For now, it is<br />

important to observe that the arguments from perception and acquisition<br />

discussed above provide empirical evidence <strong>in</strong> support of the <strong>contrastive</strong><br />

<strong>hierarchy</strong>. Over time, however, the emphasis began to shift toward non-<br />

empirical considerations of efficient cod<strong>in</strong>g and reduc<strong>in</strong>g redundancy, and this<br />

emphasis eventually led away from the Contrastivist Hypothesis. <strong>The</strong>se<br />

developments are discussed <strong>in</strong> the follow<strong>in</strong>g sections.<br />

4.4. Feature order<strong>in</strong>g and efficient cod<strong>in</strong>g<br />

Cherry, Halle and Jakobson (1953) consider some properties of phonemic<br />

structure <strong>in</strong> terms of mathematical concepts relevant to the then-emerg<strong>in</strong>g field<br />

of statistical communication theory. In their article, they explicitly adopt feature<br />

order<strong>in</strong>g: ‘For the purpose of identify<strong>in</strong>g one particular phoneme out of the set<br />

employed by the language, the dist<strong>in</strong>ctive features may be regarded as questions<br />

to be answered yes or no.’ <strong>The</strong>y make it clear that these questions must be asked<br />

<strong>in</strong> an order, and po<strong>in</strong>t out that the logic employed is three-valued, yes (+), no (–),<br />

and zero, which they take to mean that either answer can be given.<br />

<strong>The</strong> authors make some observations about the number of feature<br />

specifications required to differentiate any number of phonemes. For example,<br />

125

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