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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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(6.29) Implicational constra<strong>in</strong>ts for Classical Manchu<br />

a. [low] <strong>The</strong> feature [low] must always be specified.<br />

b. [+low] ⊃ [labial]<br />

c. [–low] ⊃ [coronal]<br />

d. [–labial] ⊃ [ATR]<br />

e. [–coronal] ⊃ [ATR]<br />

We now observe a redundancy between the constra<strong>in</strong>ts that penalize a<br />

feature <strong>in</strong> a context and those requir<strong>in</strong>g it: the contexts <strong>in</strong> which these apply are<br />

bound to be complementary. <strong>The</strong>refore, we can simplify the implicational<br />

constra<strong>in</strong>ts to simply require the presence of a feature, as long as these are<br />

ordered after the constra<strong>in</strong>ts forbidd<strong>in</strong>g the feature. This type of constra<strong>in</strong>t can<br />

take the form shown <strong>in</strong> (6.30).<br />

(6.30) Specification Constra<strong>in</strong>t<br />

SPEC [F]: ‘[F] must be specified.’<br />

248<br />

If we add such constra<strong>in</strong>ts en bloc after the constra<strong>in</strong>ts we have been us<strong>in</strong>g<br />

to here, they will filter out candidates that lack required features. For example, <strong>in</strong><br />

(6.31) the underspecified candidates [+low], [+low, –labial], and [+low, +labial]<br />

are elim<strong>in</strong>ated because they lack features that are required <strong>in</strong> the context of<br />

[+low]. On the other hand, the overspecified [+low, –coronal, –labial, –ATR] does<br />

not benefit from its lack of violations of these constra<strong>in</strong>ts because it is already

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