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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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marked on sonorants <strong>in</strong> the lexicon (5.17a). He proposes further to extend this<br />

prohibition throughout the lexical <strong>phonology</strong>, a constra<strong>in</strong>t he calls Structure<br />

Preservation (5.17b).<br />

(5.17) Underspecification and Structure Preservation (Kiparsky 1985: 92)<br />

a. Mark<strong>in</strong>g condition: *[αvoiced, +sonorant] <strong>in</strong> the lexicon.<br />

b. Structure Preservation: Mark<strong>in</strong>g conditions such as (5.17a) must<br />

be applicable not only to underived lexical representations but<br />

also to derived lexical representations <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g the output of<br />

word-level rules.<br />

<strong>The</strong> mark<strong>in</strong>g condition <strong>in</strong> (5.17a), together with Structure Preservation<br />

(5.17b), accounts for the fact that English lexical voic<strong>in</strong>g assimilation is triggered<br />

by and applies to obstruents, not sonorants. <strong>The</strong> mark<strong>in</strong>g condition (5.17a) is<br />

possible because voic<strong>in</strong>g on sonorants is predictable.<br />

<strong>The</strong> rationale for this proposal is that there is a deep connection between<br />

predictability of feature specifications and phonological behaviour: predictable<br />

features are not present <strong>in</strong> the <strong>phonology</strong>, and thus the <strong>phonology</strong> has no access<br />

to them. <strong>The</strong> fact that voic<strong>in</strong>g rules do not need to explicitly exclude sonorants is<br />

thus a real generalization, not a ‘specious’ one, as Stanley (1967) claimed.<br />

In connect<strong>in</strong>g predictability to underspecification, and enforc<strong>in</strong>g this<br />

underspecification throughout the lexical <strong>phonology</strong>, LPM comes close to<br />

<strong>in</strong>corporat<strong>in</strong>g the Contrastivist Hypothesis, because the features <strong>in</strong> play <strong>in</strong> the<br />

lexical <strong>phonology</strong> are <strong>contrastive</strong>, to a first approximation. However, as with<br />

186

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