The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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c. Consonants: velopalatal vs. labial and dental (/k/ vs. /p/ and /t/) qgp Consonants: Consonants: rounded vs. unrounded Consonants: palatalized palatal vs. velar or pharyngealized vs. unpharyngealized vs. non-palatalized (/c/ vs. /k/) (/tW/ vs. /t/ or /t ÷ / vs. /t/) (/tJ/ vs. /t/) 160
5. Generative Phonology: Contrast Goes Underground 5.1. Chomsky and Halle’s revolution in phonology Chomsky and Halle’s approach to phonological theory, as represented in their major work The Sound Pattern of English (Chomsky and Halle 1968, henceforth SPE), represented a sharp break with the main currents of American linguistics that immediately preceded them. Nevertheless, some elements of the Jakobson- Halle approach to phonology were continued in generative phonology. In general terms, Chomsky and Halle’s theory of generative phonology was a synthesis of Jakobson and Halle’s theory of distinctive features and phonemic analysis, revised in the light of Chomsky’s emphasis on formal explicitness, simplicity, and abstractness and autonomy of mental representations (Dresher 2005). One aspect of Jakobson and Halle’s theory that did not make it into SPE was the contrastive hierarchy. As discussed in the previous chapter, the atmosphere was not conducive to assigning a special role to contrastive specifications. One of the major points of difference between the older structuralist approach and generative phonology was the status of the taxonomic phoneme (Chomsky 1964), alluded to above in §4.6. Classical generative phonology posits only two significant levels in the phonology: the underlying lexical, or ‘systematic phonemic’ level (known as the ‘morphophonemic’ level in structuralist theory), and the surface phonetic level (a level that was not recognized as a systematic level in structuralist phonology, following the 161
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The Contrastive Hierarchy in Phonol
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course with Keren Rice at the Cente
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Table of Contents Acknowledgements
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6.7. Underspecified inputs.........
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(Chen 1972). In final open syllable
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For example, given a language in wh
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difficulty Czech speakers have in r
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four-vowel system /i, e, a, u/. Eve
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sonority (say, /a/) and one of less
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Halle (1959) against the structural
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former approach, pairwise compariso
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Chapter 7 presents a series of case
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these features. And yet, none of th
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2.2. Contrastive specification by p
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to /p/, that is, a voiceless nasal
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collaborators. Rather than make pai
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. If the set is found to consist of
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This kind of reasoning, which I wil
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edundancy, and this conflation of t
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in (2.13). /p/ is characterized as
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voiced, and the same holds for [nas
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The problem of too many features do
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(2.21) Three-vowel system, features
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[+back]. The addition of the featur
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. Specifications according to the p
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pairwise method. One might reason t
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the program generated up to 52 colu
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properly contrastive specifications
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discussion here, because they inter
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There are different kinds of binary
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(2.30) Contrastive specifications:
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algorithm that assigns feature valu
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feature ordering, for there is empi
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contrastive in a given language; th
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(3.1) Different phonetics, similar
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the wrong place in the pattern of D
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c. Consonants obstruent sonorant vo
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proposing certain contrastive relat
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The phonologically relevant marks o
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1. First, divide the inventory by t
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[T]he opposition d-n (as in French)
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that these features are contrastive
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a contrastive hierarchy, but not in
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only the fact that lips and tip of
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ts, s, z/ and /k, x, ƒ/, respectiv
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3.3.3.2. Vowel systems Polabian In
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(3.14) Triangular system with schwa
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three vertical sets, as in (3.18).
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Though the above analysis is the ty
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In these examples there appears to
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classify them according to their fu
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Trubetzkoy’s criteria, variation
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o o^ O O^ a) e) o) O) ´ Vocality +
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Subtree (3.28b) depicts the contras
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Twaddell (1935)…’ 16 Second, th
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After considering the merits of eac
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3.6.2. Hockett’s approach in prac
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decisions here are not arbitrary (t
Page 120 and 121: obstruent and sonorant coming secon
Page 122 and 123: chapter). I have argued that issues
Page 124 and 125: (3.39) Diagnostics used in identify
Page 126 and 127: (3.41) Contrast and phonological ac
Page 128 and 129: and (2) contrastive features are as
Page 130 and 131: emphasis on dichotomies as a fundam
Page 132 and 133: implication’ that are ‘universa
Page 134 and 135: in the low vowels (0.11121). These
Page 136 and 137: they observe that a set of eight ph
Page 138 and 139: illustrates that the concept of the
Page 140 and 141: esult in all phonemes receiving a v
Page 142 and 143: n m n@ r l l’ i u e o a Vocality
Page 144 and 145: approach. Perhaps because of this J
Page 146 and 147: (4.10) Contrastive hierarchy: Stand
Page 148 and 149: acoustics. Halle sets out a number
Page 150 and 151: allophonic realizations of phonemes
Page 152 and 153: tS S Z k kJ g x j r rJ l lJ vocalic
Page 154 and 155: the sonorant l). The rule that chan
Page 156 and 157: and redundant features: only the fo
Page 158 and 159: Phonological theory, however, did n
Page 160 and 161: . Phonological rules i. [ ] [-g] i
Page 162 and 163: Stanley (1967: 416) considers the c
Page 164 and 165: edundant features. This argument wo
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Page 172 and 173: arguments of Bloomfield 1933). Inst
Page 174 and 175: ules to which a purely formal evalu
Page 176 and 177: nevertheless interact with the phon
Page 178 and 179: the rule replacing [m F] as the com
Page 180 and 181: (5.4) Markedness matrices for vowel
Page 182 and 183: emains /a, i, u/. The vowels /i, u/
Page 184 and 185: d. XI [u high] [-high] / Kean prop
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Page 188 and 189: distinguish between contrastive and
Page 190 and 191: manipulates only +/- values, not m/
Page 192 and 193: Linking crucially depends on the fe
Page 194 and 195: of underspecification theory and le
Page 196 and 197: marked on sonorants in the lexicon
Page 198 and 199: Kiparsky’s analysis thus mirrors
Page 200 and 201: constrain this process by a hierarc
Page 202 and 203: RU does not fully adopt the Contras
Page 204 and 205: minimality. This leaves us with the
Page 206 and 207: Similar results can be shown to be
Page 208 and 209: for example, the underlying vowel s
Page 210 and 211: 5.3.3. Contrastive Specification St
Page 212 and 213: (5.31) Pasiego Spanish vowels: Poss
Page 214 and 215: all logical redundancies, nor does
Page 216 and 217: Hume 1995, Halle 1995), Government
Page 218 and 219: .Vocoids laryngeal [spread] [constr
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5.4.2. Terminal features and the co
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A fourth difference is that the var
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Intuitively, the two segments diffe
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epresentations beyond the needs of
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218
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6.2. Optimality Theory OT (Prince a
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convert the coda into an onset, and
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eing equal, this implies that a son
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6.3.2. Contrast as an emergent Kirc
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6.4. The contrastive hierarchy in O
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6.4.2. Inputs What should be the in
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(6.12) Contrastive hierarchy for Cl
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(6.14) Classical Manchu constraint
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epresentation because it, too, viol
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We can mimic the effect of the Pair
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limiting specifications to those th
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and the rest of the features are re
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to adopt privative features, where
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6.7. Underspecified inputs The noti
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(6.29) Implicational constraints fo
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In (6.31), these constraints are ad
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252
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(6.17) Full specification of all fe
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(6.21) Underspecification by means
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(6.24) Illicit fully specified inpu
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(6.27) Underspecified input Input:
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262
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value: the fact that all the alloph
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7.2.1. Contrast and markedness MCS
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(7.2) Contrastive features for dial
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analysis is ‘abstract’ with res
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universal; we will see in §7.4 tha
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feature [high], the contrastively [
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phonological analysis. This should
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7.3.2. Implicit feature hierarchies
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elations among features. This is no
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dialects with similar-looking inven
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this burden exists independently of
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(7.12) Classical Manchu vowel syste
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7.4.1.1. ATR harmony All vowels in
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(7.17) Stems with only /i/: Suffixe
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no surprise, therefore, to see this
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[coronal] is contributed by /i/, bu
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296 c. Xibe: [low] > [coronal] > [l
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(7.24) Turkish vowel system coronal
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(7.26) ATR harmony: /Q/ alternates
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ordered before one based on place (
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hierarchy we arrived at earlier; in
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(7.37) Role of IO-IDENT[back] (adap
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contrastive features to the stem-fi
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(7.40) Pasiego metaphony does not a
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O/, but its scope is limited to the
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one step further, arguing that the
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spreading [high] to a mid vowel uns
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(7.47) Bumo Izon labial and alveola
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and, in the framework of generative
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French contrastive feature hierarch
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(7.54) NZ Ma#ori adaptation of Engl
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obstruent, not /k/: /h/ is not sono
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While the contrastive hierarchy has
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fundamental perceptual-cognitive bu
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their perceptual system to the cont
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figure in the phonology. I conclude
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the postlexical or phonetic compone
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However, when /r&/ devoices it does
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340
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342
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theory is indirectly sensitive to t
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Constraint (8.1a) provokes labial h
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8.3. Dispersion-theoretic approache
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evaluation of phonetic distance app
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specified [+back]. The vowels /i/ a
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change, traditionally known as the
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primarily signalled by the second v
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fronting. To implement this idea fo
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allophone of /i/, as shown in (8.13
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In the analysis sketched above what
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emerge as one of the five contrasti
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give the correct results for any ar
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vowel [ˆ] as having 100% of the co
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as noncontrastive for [back], the a
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on). Of the possible potential clas
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symmetrical. The choice of a featur
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(Broe 1993, Frisch 1996), I have gi
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(8.23) Features for Bumo Izon stops
Page 390 and 391:
(8.26) Similarity measures for Hawa
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essentially the same as the one ass
Page 394 and 395:
Clements argues that the robustness
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feature specifications, a major wea
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observed by Stevens, Keyser & Kawas
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there are vowels that are [+high, -
Page 402 and 403:
. Features that make each other log
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[round] > [back] (8.38b). This may
Page 406 and 407:
and contradicts the intuition, shar
Page 408 and 409:
Thus, the lack of voiced sonorants
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uniting phonologists who do not oth
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short back (or central) low vowel i
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In a hierarchical conception of con
Page 416 and 417:
406
Page 418 and 419:
These two concepts have not always
Page 420 and 421:
410
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Archangeli, Diana and Douglas Pulle
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Bolognesi, Roberto (1998). The phon
Page 426 and 427:
Cherry, E. Colin, Morris Halle and
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Linguistics (Special Issue on Contr
Page 430 and 431:
Association, 82-93. Département de
Page 432 and 433:
Fikkert, Paula (1994). On the Acqui
Page 434 and 435:
Hall, Beatrice L. and R. M. R. Hall
Page 436 and 437:
Heffernan, Kevin (2007). The role o
Page 438 and 439:
Itô, Junko and Armin Mester (1986)
Page 440 and 441:
Kaisse, Ellen M. and Patricia A. Sh
Page 442 and 443:
Kuhl, Patricia, K. A. Williams, Fra
Page 444 and 445:
Martinet, André (1960). Éléments
Page 446 and 447:
Paradis, Carole (1988). On constrai
Page 448 and 449:
Radis&ic@, Milica (2007). Velar /g/
Page 450 and 451:
Rose, Sharon (1993). Coronality and
Page 452 and 453:
Steriade, Donca (1995). Underspecif
Page 454 and 455:
Walker, Rachel (2001). Round licens
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