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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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O/, but its scope is limited to the [ labial] vowels. <strong>The</strong>refore, only /U/ can<br />

trigger metaphony, not /I/. <strong>The</strong>se results are strik<strong>in</strong>gly <strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>e with the<br />

Contrastivist Hypothesis: only vowels possess<strong>in</strong>g a <strong>contrastive</strong> feature [high] can<br />

trigger metaphony.<br />

(7.42) Contrastive features <strong>in</strong> des<strong>in</strong>ential vowels<br />

a. Three des<strong>in</strong>ential vowels b. Four des<strong>in</strong>ential vowels<br />

[ labial] [ labial]<br />

I~E U~O I U [high]<br />

7.5.1.3. Phonetics of des<strong>in</strong>ential vowels<br />

A [low] A<br />

Dyck’s Generalization by itself does not necessarily demonstrate the correctness<br />

of the Contrastivist Hypothesis if the data can be expla<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> other ways. One<br />

possible alternative comes to m<strong>in</strong>d immediately. We might reason that <strong>in</strong> dialects<br />

where a high des<strong>in</strong>ential vowel is <strong>in</strong> contrast with a mid vowel, the high vowel<br />

must be phonetically higher than <strong>in</strong> dialects where only one vowel covers the<br />

high and mid space. It is possible, therefore, that metaphony is triggered by<br />

<strong>contrastive</strong>ly high des<strong>in</strong>ential vowels not because the <strong>phonology</strong> is concerned<br />

with <strong>contrastive</strong> specifications, but simply because such vowels are the only ones<br />

that are phonetically high enough to trigger metaphony. On this account, Dyck’s<br />

Generalization is expla<strong>in</strong>ed by phonetics.<br />

Fortunately, the phonetics of Iberian dialects have been richly<br />

documented, and it is simply not the case that non<strong>contrastive</strong> high des<strong>in</strong>ential<br />

O<br />

312

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