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The contrastive hierarchy in phonology 2009 Dresher.pdf - CUNY ...

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algorithm that assigns feature values <strong>in</strong> <strong>contrastive</strong> fashion, but rather as an<br />

algorithm that designates which values are <strong>contrastive</strong>. In such a theory, all<br />

possible feature values are always present, but some of them are designated as<br />

be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>contrastive</strong>. In this k<strong>in</strong>d of theory, the specifications <strong>in</strong> (2.5) can be viewed<br />

as shorthand for the more complete list<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> (2.32); specifications designated C<br />

are <strong>contrastive</strong>.<br />

(2.32) All specifications, [nasal] > [voiced], C = <strong>contrastive</strong><br />

p b m<br />

[voiced] – C + C +<br />

[nasal] – C – C + C<br />

We can take a similar approach to markedness; rather than assume that only<br />

marked values are specified, as is the case with privative features, we can<br />

designate which values of each feature are marked, as <strong>in</strong> (2.33). In such a theory,<br />

the <strong>phonology</strong> has the option of target<strong>in</strong>g all features, or <strong>contrastive</strong> features, or<br />

marked features; this is the approach of Calabrese (2005) and Nev<strong>in</strong>s (2004),<br />

discussed further <strong>in</strong> §8.6.<br />

(2.33) All specifications, [nasal] > [voiced], ], C = <strong>contrastive</strong>, M = marked<br />

p b m<br />

[voiced] – C + C,M + M<br />

[nasal] – C – C + C,M<br />

56

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